Restructuring non-finite verb clusters in Dutch

Transcription

1 Restructuring non-finite verb clusters in Dutch Cora Pots KU Leuven/CRISSP CamCoS 6, Cambridge 5 May 2017 bit.ly/slidespots 1

2 In a nutshell New data bit.ly/slidespots 2

3 In a nutshell New data Infinitival marker te to can raise from a lower to a higher position in Dutch non-finite three-verb clusters bit.ly/slidespots 3

4 In a nutshell New data Infinitival marker te to can raise from a lower to a higher position in Dutch non-finite three-verb clusters [ te V1 te V2 V3 ] bit.ly/slidespots 4

5 In a nutshell New data Infinitival marker te to can raise from a lower to a higher position in Dutch non-finite three-verb clusters [ te V1 te V2 V3 ] Analysis bit.ly/slidespots 5

6 In a nutshell New data Infinitival marker te to can raise from a lower to a higher position in Dutch non-finite three-verb clusters [ te V1 te V2 V3 ] Analysis Dutch verb clusters are cases of functional restructuring (Cinque 2001; IJbema 2001; Wurmbrand 2001) bit.ly/slidespots 6

7 In a nutshell New data Infinitival marker te to can raise from a lower to a higher position in Dutch non-finite three-verb clusters [ te V1 te V2 V3 ] Analysis Dutch verb clusters are cases of functional restructuring (Cinque 2001; IJbema 2001; Wurmbrand 2001) Te-raising is an instance of clitic climbing bit.ly/slidespots 7

8 Outline 1. The data 2. Prerequisites for the analysis 3. The analysis 4. Conclusion and outlook bit.ly/slidespots 8

9 1. The data 2. Prerequisites for the analysis 3. The analysis 4. Conclusion and outlook bit.ly/slidespots 9

10 The data Example: (1) Koen zal niet [hoeven 1 te gaan 2 voetballen 3 ]. Koen will not need.inf to go.inf play.football.inf. Koen won t have to go and play football. bit.ly/slidespots 10

11 The data Example: (1) Koen zal niet [hoeven 1 te gaan 2 voetballen 3 ]. Koen will not need.inf to go.inf play.football.inf. Koen won t have to go and play football. V1 hoeven need to selects a te-infinitive bit.ly/slidespots 11

12 The data Example: (1) Koen zal niet [hoeven 1 te gaan 2 voetballen 3 ]. Koen will not need.inf to go.inf play.football.inf. Koen won t have to go and play football. V1 hoeven need to selects a te-infinitive Dutch speakers allow te also to appear on V1 (te-raising) bit.ly/slidespots 12

13 The data Example: (2) Koen zal niet [te hoeven 1 gaan 2 voetballen 3 ]. Koen will not to need.inf go.inf play.football.inf. Koen won t have to go and play football. V1 hoeven need to selects a te-infinitive Dutch speakers allow te also to appear on V1 (te-raising) bit.ly/slidespots 13

14 The data Three types of clusters in 123-order: Cluster type I. Te-V1-V2-V3 (3) Anne zegt hier [te willen 1 blijven 2 zitten 3 ]. Anne says here to want.inf remain.inf sit.inf. Anne says that she wants to remain seated here. The finite verb zegt says in verb second position selects a te-infinitive: te should appear on V1 bit.ly/slidespots 14

15 The data Cluster type II. V1-te-V2-V3 (4) Koen zal niet [hoeven 1 te gaan 2 voetballen 3 ]. Koen will not need.inf to go.inf play.football.inf. Koen won t have to go and play football. V1 hoeven need to selects a te-infinitive: te should appear on V2 bit.ly/slidespots 15

16 The data Cluster type III. V1-V2-te-V3 (5) Peter zal lang [moeten 1 zitten 2 te wachten 3 ]. Peter will long must.inf sit.inf to wait.inf. Peter will have to wait for a long time. V2 zitten sit selects a te-infinitive: te should appear on V3 bit.ly/slidespots 16

17 The data Large-scale questionnaire study, 459 native Dutch speakers participated Type of cluster Te in situ Te-raising I. te-v1-v2-v II. V1-te-V2-V III. V1-V2-te-V Table: Frequency overview of te-raising per type of cluster bit.ly/slidespots 17

18 The data Large-scale questionnaire study, 459 native Dutch speakers participated Type of cluster Te in situ Te-raising I. te-v1-v2-v II. V1-te-V2-V III. V1-V2-te-V Table: Frequency overview of te-raising per type of cluster Implicational relation: if speakers allow te-raising, they also allow te in situ bit.ly/slidespots 18

19 1. The data 2. Prerequisites for the analysis 3. The analysis 4. Conclusion and outlook bit.ly/slidespots 19

20 Prerequisites for the analysis I take Dutch non-finite verb clusters to be cases of functional restructuring bit.ly/slidespots 20

21 Prerequisites for the analysis I take Dutch non-finite verb clusters to be cases of functional restructuring Modal, aspectual and motion verbs are merged in functional heads above the lexical verb (Cinque 2001; Wurmbrand 2001) bit.ly/slidespots 21

22 Prerequisites for the analysis I take Dutch non-finite verb clusters to be cases of functional restructuring Modal, aspectual and motion verbs are merged in functional heads above the lexical verb (Cinque 2001; Wurmbrand 2001) I assume te to be merged in T (Bennis and Hoekstra 1989; Rutten 1991; IJbema 2001) bit.ly/slidespots 22

23 Prerequisites for the analysis I assume Dutch modals to select a TP complement (Aelbrecht 2009) bit.ly/slidespots 23

24 Prerequisites for the analysis I assume Dutch modals to select a TP complement (Aelbrecht 2009) Support: the modal and lexical verb can be modified by conflicting temporal adverbs (Aelbrecht 2009: 35) bit.ly/slidespots 24

25 Prerequisites for the analysis I assume Dutch modals to select a TP complement (Aelbrecht 2009) Support: the modal and lexical verb can be modified by conflicting temporal adverbs (Aelbrecht 2009: 35) (6) Gisteren moest ik nog volgende week Yesterday must.past I still next week optreden en nu zijn de plannen alweer een week perform and now are the plans again a week opgeschoven. delayed. Yesterday, it was still planned that I would perform next week, and now the plans have been delayed with another week. bit.ly/slidespots 25

26 1. The data 2. Prerequisites for the analysis 3. The analysis 4. Conclusion and outlook bit.ly/slidespots 26

27 The analysis: Te-raising is clitic climbing In other languages (e.g. Italian), clitics can also appear on a different host than they are syntactically associated with (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 521) bit.ly/slidespots 27

28 The analysis: Te-raising is clitic climbing In other languages (e.g. Italian), clitics can also appear on a different host than they are syntactically associated with (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 521): (7) a. <Ci> vorrei andar<ci> con There I.would.want go.inf.there with I would like to go there with Maria. b. <*Ci> detesterei andar<ci> con There I.would.hate go.inf.there with I would hate to go there with Maria. Maria. Maria. Maria. Maria. bit.ly/slidespots 28

29 The analysis: Te-raising is clitic climbing In other languages (e.g. Italian), clitics can also appear on a different host than they are syntactically associated with (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 521): (7) a. <Ci> vorrei andar<ci> con There I.would.want go.inf.there with I would like to go there with Maria. b. <*Ci> detesterei andar<ci> con There I.would.hate go.inf.there with I would hate to go there with Maria. Maria. Maria. Maria. Maria. Recall: implicational relation: if te-raising, then also te in situ bit.ly/slidespots 29

30 The analysis: Te-raising is clitic climbing In other languages (e.g. Italian), clitics can also appear on a different host than they are syntactically associated with (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004: 521): (7) a. <Ci> vorrei andar<ci> con There I.would.want go.inf.there with I would like to go there with Maria. b. <*Ci> detesterei andar<ci> con There I.would.hate go.inf.there with I would hate to go there with Maria. Maria. Maria. Maria. Maria. Recall: implicational relation: if te-raising, then also te in situ Similarly here: if clitic climbing, also clitic in situ bit.ly/slidespots 30

31 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type I. The structure of cluster type I, V1-te-V2-V3: (8) CP C zegt TP T 1 te Mod willen 1 ModP T 2 TP AspP Asp blijven 2 v vp VP V zitten 3 bit.ly/slidespots 31

32 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type II. The structure of cluster type II, V1-te-V2-V3: (9) CP C zal TP 1 T 1 ModP Mod hoeven 1 T 2 te TP 2 Asp gaan 2 AspP v vp VP V voetballen 3 bit.ly/slidespots 32

33 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type II. Te-raising in cluster type II, V1-te-V2-V3: (10) CP C zal TP 1 T 1 te Mod hoeven 1 ModP T 2 te TP 2 Asp gaan 2 AspP v vp VP V voetballen 3 bit.ly/slidespots 33

34 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. In cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, the verb selecting the te-infinitive is progressively-used zitten sit bit.ly/slidespots 34

35 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. In cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, the verb selecting the te-infinitive is progressively-used zitten sit In Dutch, posture verbs, such as zitten sit, can be used in a periphrastic progressive construction: bit.ly/slidespots 35

36 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. In cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, the verb selecting the te-infinitive is progressively-used zitten sit In Dutch, posture verbs, such as zitten sit, can be used in a periphrastic progressive construction: (11) Sofia zit te lachen. Sofia sits to laugh. Sofia is laughing. bit.ly/slidespots 36

37 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. In cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, the verb selecting the te-infinitive is progressively-used zitten sit In Dutch, posture verbs, such as zitten sit, can be used in a periphrastic progressive construction: (11) Sofia zit te lachen. Sofia sits to laugh. Sofia is laughing. The structure of cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3 thus has a ProgP layer bit.ly/slidespots 37

38 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. I follow Harwood (2013) in assuming there to be a vp prog above ProgP bit.ly/slidespots 38

39 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. I follow Harwood (2013) in assuming there to be a vp prog above ProgP In the structure of cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, V2 zitten sit is merged in v prog bit.ly/slidespots 39

40 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. The structure of cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3: (12) CP C zal TP 1 T 1 ModP Mod moeten 1 TP 2 T 2 vp prog v prog zitten 2 Prog ProgP vp v VP V wachten 3 bit.ly/slidespots 40

41 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. There is no T position below V2 zitten sit, which selects the te-infinitive bit.ly/slidespots 41

42 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. There is no T position below V2 zitten sit, which selects the te-infinitive The structure of cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, thus predicts that speakers do not allow te to occur in this cluster bit.ly/slidespots 42

43 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. Recall: low frequencies for both te in situ (172) and te-raising (48) in cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3 bit.ly/slidespots 43

44 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. Recall: low frequencies for both te in situ (172) and te-raising (48) in cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3 The data also revealed that the majority of speakers need te to be dropped in this cluster: bit.ly/slidespots 44

45 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. Recall: low frequencies for both te in situ (172) and te-raising (48) in cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3 The data also revealed that the majority of speakers need te to be dropped in this cluster: (13) Peter zal lang [moeten 1 zitten 2 wachten 3 ]. Peter will long must.inf sit.inf wait.inf. Peter will have to wait for a long time. bit.ly/slidespots 45

46 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. Recall: low frequencies for both te in situ (172) and te-raising (48) in cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3 The data also revealed that the majority of speakers need te to be dropped in this cluster: (13) Peter zal lang [moeten 1 zitten 2 wachten 3 ]. Peter will long must.inf sit.inf wait.inf. Peter will have to wait for a long time. The high frequency of te-drop follows from the structure of the cluster: there is no T position below V2 zitten sit for te to be merged in bit.ly/slidespots 46

47 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. For the group of speakers (172) who do allow te in cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, I propose that they can spell out Prog as te bit.ly/slidespots 47

48 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. For the group of speakers (172) who do allow te in cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3, I propose that they can spell out Prog as te These speakers have reanalysed te as a progressive marker bit.ly/slidespots 48

49 The analysis: Position of te in cluster type III. Te-raising to V2 or V1 in cluster type III, V1-V2-te-V3: (14) CP C zal TP 1 T 1 te Mod moeten 1 ModP T 2 te TP 2 v prog zitten 2 vp prog Prog te ProgP v vp VP V wachten 3 bit.ly/slidespots 49

50 1. The data 2. Prerequisites for the analysis 3. The analysis 4. Conclusion and outlook bit.ly/slidespots 50

51 Conclusion and outlook New data: The infinitival marker te can raise in Dutch non-finite verb clusters bit.ly/slidespots 51

52 Conclusion and outlook New data: The infinitival marker te can raise in Dutch non-finite verb clusters Analysis: Te-raising is clitic climbing bit.ly/slidespots 52

53 Conclusion and outlook Extension of the analysis: doubling bit.ly/slidespots 53

54 Conclusion and outlook Extension of the analysis: doubling In certain varieties of Italian clitic doubling occurs instead of clitic climbing in restructuring contexts (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004) bit.ly/slidespots 54

55 Conclusion and outlook Extension of the analysis: doubling In certain varieties of Italian clitic doubling occurs instead of clitic climbing in restructuring contexts (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004) The data show that te can also be doubled: bit.ly/slidespots 55

56 Conclusion and outlook Extension of the analysis: doubling Clitic doubling is attested in restructuring contexts in certain varieties of Italian (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004) Te can also be doubled: (15) Koen zal niet [te hoeven 1 te gaan 2 voetballen 3 ]. Koen will not to need.inf to go.inf play.football.inf. Koen won t have to go and play football. bit.ly/slidespots 56

57 Conclusion and outlook Extension of the analysis: doubling Clitic doubling is attested in restructuring contexts in certain varieties of Italian (Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004) Te can also be doubled: (15) Koen zal niet [te hoeven 1 te gaan 2 voetballen 3 ]. Koen will not to need.inf to go.inf play.football.inf. Koen won t have to go and play football. If speakers allow doubling, they also allow te-raising, i.e. in te-doubling, both copies of te are spelled out bit.ly/slidespots 57

58 Conclusion and outlook Full paper: bit.ly/slidespots 58

59 References Aelbrecht, L. (2009). You have the right to remain silent: The syntactic licensing of ellipsis. PhD thesis, Catholic University of Brussels. Bennis, H. and Hoekstra, T. (1989). Generatieve grammatica. Foris, Dordrecht. Cardinaletti, A. and Shlonsky, U. (2004). Clitic positions and restructuring in Italian. Linguistic Inquiry, 35: Cinque, G. (2001). Restructuring and the order of aspectual and root modal heads. In Cinque, G. and Salvi, G., editors, Current studies in Italian syntax: Essays offered to Lorenzo Renzi, pages Elsevier, Amsterdam. Harwood, W. (2013). Being progressive is just a phase: Dividing the functional hierarchy. PhD thesis, Ghent University. IJbema, A. (2001). Grammaticalization and Infinitival Complements in Dutch. PhD thesis, Leiden University. Rutten, J. (1991). Infinitival complements and auxiliaries. PhD thesis, University of Amsterdam. Wurmbrand, S. (2001). Infinitives: Restructuring and clause structure. Mouton de Gruyter. bit.ly/slidespots 59