Radical Critique and Eschatology: The Chronicle of a Sixteenth-C entury Peruvian lndian.

Transcription

1 Radical Critique and Eschatology: The Chronicle of a Sixteenth-C entury Peruvian lndian. Mark G. Nash, Graduate Program in Communications, McGi/l University, Montréal. July A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts. Mark G. Nash, 1993.

2 (shortened tille of thesis for IIbrary book spme) "Radical Critique and Eschatology"

3 ABSTRACT ln the late sixteenth-century a Peruvlan Indlan and Inca nobleman nameci Guaman Pama de Ayala wrote a one-thousand page hlstory of the world, hls Nueva Cron/ca y Buery Gobterno, recountlng the development of Andean and European humanlty trom the beglnnlng cf tlme up to the penod ln whlch the author IJved My analysls focuses on loe mode of communication used by Guaman Poma, hls use of Renal~sance Ibenan discursive and vlsual codes, to artlculate nls radical Vl8WS of Spamsh rule ln Peru. HIs Vlews, 1 argue, althouçih artlculated ln a forelgn language and media, express a fundame.ntally AncJean understandlng of the world The conquest and tl1e Spanlsh people are woven tnto the Andoan mythologlcal order Andean and Spanlsh worlds are made ta conform to a common temporal and spatial model ln the author's attempt to make sense of the apocalyptic consequences of the arrivai of the S Pélnlsh RÉSUMÉ Vers la fin du selzleme siècle, Guaman Poma de Ayala, Indien péruvien de la noblesse Inca, composa un récit de mille pages de l'histoire du monde " y raconta le développement des peuples andin et européen, du début du monde Jusqu'a son GiJoque. Mon analyse porte sur le mode de communication employé par l'auteur, sur les formes discursives et visuelles de la Renaissance espagnole dont Il s'est servis pour exprimer ses points de vue contentieux à l'égard du reigne espagnol au Pérou Les idées de Guaman Poma, bien que formulées dans une langue et médias étrangers, reflètent une Interprétation tout a fait andine du monde La conquête et le peuple espagnol se voient tissés dans l'ordre mythologique andin. En tentant d'attribuer un sens aux conséquences apocalyptiques de l'arrivée des Espagnols, l'auteur établit un modèle qui fusionne les mondes andin et Ibénen, tant au point de vue temporel que spatial.

4 "The process of domination imposes a dialogue between dominators and dominated Each must speak td the other for the political and economic transactions ta occur. In speaking to each other, they often seern to seek to incorpor,lle one another.. (Sider, 1988: 22)".

5 Acknowledgements: 1 would like to thank Julia for her support thrnughow this projert. and George Szanto for his patience and advice in writing thls thl.'sls. Thanks also ta Anne Henault w/zo Izelped me a great deal w/zen.'ille was in Montreal and when this project was in ils infancy. For his linguistic expertise and assistance 1 thank Peter Kl"laack. Most of ail. 1 must thank Helen, "Vho gave me, among other things, excellent table manners and a love of history.

6 Table of Contents: Illtroduct;oll 1 (,hapter Olle 5 ljiography of Guaman Poma 5 Recl'Ilt his(ory oj the Nlleva Crônica 1 3 J)e.\criptioll of tlze Nlleva Crônicll 1 4 Cnticlll llpprollche.\ to the Nueva Crônica 1 6 AII(hrop%gy 1 6 H istorv 1 8 Cos/1lology 20 History of European letters 2 1 Sellliotics 2 2 Thesi.\' llpprollch 26 Chapter Two 3 4 The Spanish destinaire 3 5 A "letter" 10 the king 3 7 As "relaciôn" 4 2 The dec/ine (~j' the Indian population 50 Crânicll 53 COllsideraciônes 56 Legitimation qj' voiee: inventing a personal history 58 The representation of se~f 59 Heraldie representations 59 The tirle folio 64 "Stolen langlulge" 7 1 Chapter Three 7 2 Sellrching for models 75 The jïve-age model of history 76 Clllillenging the "Just War" 9 3 Similar but flot equal 96 Alldelill space 98 Andeall and Spllnish space 101 The Conques! as Pachacuti 106 The end of the world 1 1 1

7 Clzapter Four. Conclusions Alldean resistai/ce Taqlli OllgOy, the "dance 01 sickfll's\'" Dallee o{ the Conquest Narire AlldeLlI1 wriren / /.J / / () /23 /25 Appendix "A" - Nati\'e Americall lllltl!0 r,\ conques! belo/'(' /600 Il'ho doclll1lcllrcd,hl' Appendix "B" - Plates Bibliography

8 At the end of the sixteenth century a native Andean of noble descent named Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala set out to write an account of Andean and Spanish history and to document the terri~le events of the Spanish conquest of Peru- a task that took thirty years of his life. He wrote this account, his El Prime,. Nueva Cronica y Buen Gobierno, as a lctter to the monarch of Spain imploring him to end Spanish ruie and return Peru to its proper rulers. This document of more than 1,000 pages is remarkable for a number of reasons, not the least of which is that it provldes us with one of the very few accounts of the Spanish conquest and early colonial period recorded by a native Andean. This document occupies a umque place in Peruvian history. It sits at the intersection of European and Indian worids, a bridge across the cultural chasm between the conquerer and conquered. It was written 1

9 by J QUèchua-"pr.?'.Ik.lng InJlan.. 1 rwbi nt lh~ Irh:.1 l'mplll' \\ llh.1 limlted undec"tand1l1g of Iben.ll1 cullun:. III the: langu.lgc.lnd disclifsive conventions 0:' hls Spani~h l11asters. Guam,ln POilU \\.I~ addressing his words to a Spanish audlcnrc. and 111 parl1cul.lr thc Spamsh monarch. He had hoped hls manu'\cnpt would pljr'\uade the king of Spam to reform Peru and put an end to the tcrnble IIlJu~tH.:e" his people suffered under Spanlsh rul~ This radical and Impa~~ioned work was ploduced during a penod nt chaotic and catastrophic changes for the Andean people. European diseases declmated the native population, killing perhaps as rnany as two-thirds of the original population. Under the Spanlsh the Peruvian Indians became a labour cornmodity. Traditional Inca social. pol iucal and economic systems were either dismantled and replaccd with a colonial system of go,;ernment that exploited Indtan resources and labour, or they were usurped and ruthlessly abused by colonial officiais. Traditional communities were reorganized according to the Spanish requirements for labour and conversion to Catholicism. Not only was their physical and social well-being threatened, but also their spiritual beliefs were under attack from the Cathohc church of the coun ter-reformation. Guaman Pomars Nueva Cr6nica IS, above ail, a reaction to the chaos and suffering that the Andean people experienced in colonial Peru. The Nueva Crônica was an attempt to redress t;1ese injustices in a form (written history) that he believed wuuld communicate directly with those responsible. He was concerned for the physical, social and spiritual life of his people, which he believed was threatened by the arrivai of the Spanish people 10 Peru. 2 1

10 Chapter one begln'oi with a description of the object of study, the ~ueva Cr6nica and itli author, and proceeds with an account of the current ~tate of reliearch on the :\ueva Cronica. In this chapter 1 will di'icuss the theoretical and methodoloical position of this thesis. My analysis of the Nueva Cronica begins in chapter two with a discussion of the how Guaman Poma creates a discursive space for himself through the use of certain European discursive and symbolic forms in the Nueva Cronica. 1 will demonstrate that his use (and misuse) of the popular literary genres of the Iberian world of the sixteenth century represent his attempt to communicate with the Spanish, and in particular the Spanish monarch, in their own "language". After establishing that it is the author's intention to communicate to a Spanish audience 1 will demonstrate how he adopls European discursive codes such as the relaci6n, sermon, catechism, cronica and historia as part of a strategy to give appropriate forms to his radical messages. l Guaman Poma creates a literary persona for himself In the Nueva Cr6nica as Andean "prince" (principe) which entitles him to speak to the king as peer. The myriad of literary genres the author uses represent his attempt at finding appropriate forms for his messages. When he wishes to chastize the Spanish for their ways he adopts the form of the sermon, he recounts his people's history (and mythology) in Te laciones. cr6nicas and historias. His apocolytic warning to 1 The terms "relaci6n", "cr6nica" and "historia" refer to specific discursive genres of the sixteenth and seventeenth century Iberian world, which 1 have opted not to translate to English. These tenns will be discussed in delail in the following chapters. 3

11 Spanish sinners takes the form of a catechism. In each cast! the author uses certain conventional discursive forms but subverts their meanings. Chapter three follows this discussion with an anlysis of what the Andean "prince". Guaman Poma, had hoped ta say to the Spanish monarch in the ~ueva Cronica. This chapter looks in detail at the notions of time and space that the author uses in the Nueva Cronica. The enlarged new world (physical and temporal) that was opened up by the arrivai of the Spanish is ordered by Guaman Po ma with the traditional Andean concepts of static, cyclical time and quadripartite space divided into the moieties of hurin and harin (upper and lower worlds). From an appreciation of these concepts we can begin to understand what sense Guaman Poma made of the Spanish conquest. For him, it was not a secular event but a cosmic cataclysm, a pachacuti, that signaled the end of the v'()rld. The final chapter will discuss the Nueva Cronica 10 the context of other Andean forms of resistance to Spanish rule: the rebel Inca's last stand at Vilcabamba, the Taqui Ongoy revitalization movement, the "dance of the conquest", and the handful of other texts written by native Andeans during the early colonial period. These forms of resistance a11 share certain common themes of rejection which underlie the Nueva Crônica. 4

12 Biography of Guaman Poma Very little is known about the life of Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala. The Nueva Cr6nica itself provides the most complete sketch of his life, although the details can not always be trusted. He is noted in only a few documents in Peru during the time he lived. We find his name on a document dated November 20, 1595 protecting the Indians land-claim in the community of Chiarra (Ayacucho) which he was active in settling. Another document dated the 18 of December of 1600 and signed by the Corregidor of Huamanga, banned Guaman Poma from his district, most probably as a result of his agitations 5

13 (Lopez-Baralt. 1988: 67 -(9). These few sources confirm the impression that we are given of Guaman Poma in the Nueva Cronica as active defender of Indian rights and severe cri tic of colonial rule. Guaman Poma's date of birth falls somewhere between 1526 (following Pease. 1980: 498), 6 years before the conque st of Peru under Pizarro in and as late as In the year Guaman Poma finished the Nueva Cr6nica, he stated that he was "an old man of 80 years" ("... soy viejo de ochenta anos.. "[ ).2 Thus by his dates he was born in the year Others suggest around 1550 as more likely (Lopez-Barah, 1988: 68-69). He claims to have been born in the town of San Crist6bal de Suntunto in the Province of Lucanas (today the district of Cabana). This is likely, given the importanc~~ of this region in his work. Both his parents were members of the Inca nobility ([ ). Guaman Poma declares that his mother, Juana Clari Lacllo Coya, was the daughter of the Inca Topa Yupanqui. His father, Guaman Malqui Martin de Ayala, receives considerably more attention and occupies a position in the Nueva Cr6nica as both an historical and literary figure. In Guaman Poma's fanciful history of the Spanish conquest of Peru Guaman Malqui greets Pizarro in Tumbes ([illustration ) and is later instrumental in ending the civil war between Spaniards in Peru by capturing the rebel conquistador Franc;'iCO Hernandez Giron 2 References ta Guaman Pama are from the 1980 Pease edition. In the square brackets are Guaman Poma's original page numbers following the pa.gination of the original manuscript. The second number refers to the page number in the 1980 Pease edition. 6

14 (plate 1 [ ).3 Guaman Poma also has his father write a "letter" in the opening pages of the ~ueva Cr6nica which serves to introduce Guaman Poma and establish his Andean nobility.4 Guaman Poma's claim to nobility is bilateral. but he places greater emphasis on his descent from his father's YarovJlca Iineage. who prior to the Incas, had been rulers of an autonomous Andean kingdom. 5 After the Inca conquest of the Andes in the fifteenth century, this lineage occupied an important position as council ta the Inca (as "segunda persona dei Inca") (Lopez-Barah, 1988: 69). Guaman Poma's father is referred to alternately by Guaman Poma as Câpac Apo, "segunda persona dei Topa Inga Yupanqui", "cacique prencipal" (Head of a regional lineage) and elsewhere as an "ambassador" of the Inca Topa Yupanqui (when he meets Pizarro in Tumbes). Guaman Poma also had a half-brother, the mestizo priest Martin de Ayala, whose father was the Spanish captain Luis de Avalos. Guaman Poma describes Martin with great admiration and love, though we know the author despised mestizos ([18-21] pp.15-17). 3 Illustrations are reproduced as numbered plates in Appendix "B" al the end of this thesis. 4 Guaman Poma's father's "Ietter" ("Carla dei padre dei autor" [5J 6) states: " me ha parecido hacer estima dei ingemo y curlosidad por la gran habilidad dei dicho mi hijo legltlmo don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Capac, que es Principe, y gobernador mayor de los lndios, y demas caciques y prencipales..... { Il has seemed to me homage rendered to the genius and a curioslly before the grand ablilly of my noted legltlmate son Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, Capac, who is a prince, and pnnclpal governor of the Indians, and also the caciques and other aurhontles J This letler. probably Guaman Poma's fabrication. introduces the author as the legitimate ruler of the Andes and establishes his right ta speak to the Philip III as an equal (king to kmg). 5 The Inca were patnhneal. and Guaman Poma therefore looks to his father's tinc of anccstry to establish his nobllity. 7

15 Guaman Poma was raised in Quechua, the language the Inca had imposed on the ail the peoples they conquered and which continues to be spoken today in the Peruvian Andes. Without a doubt, Quechua remained his preferred language throughout his life. Guaman Poma's mastery of Spanish was limited, as his many errors of Spanish grammar, syntax and orthography suggest. The Nueva Crônica is also peppered with numerous interjections of Quechua phrases and nouns when the author :~ at a loss for Spanish words. (There are also cases where Spanish is inflected with Quechua speech models. See Husson, 1985). Guaman Poma was part of the first generation of Indians in Peru to be converted to the Catholic faith. 6 Like most of his indigenous contemporaries living in urban centres in Peru, the state saw to his religious instruction, either under the supervision of encomenderos or the priests of their parish. Ir, the case of Guaman Poma much of his education came from his mestizo half-brother, Martin de Ayala, who tutored the family 10 the late 1570's and taught them to read the instructional works of the church" "Y después [Martin] le ensenaba a su pacjrastro don Martin de Ayala, segundo persona dei Inga, y a su madre y a sus hermanos, / el santo mandamiento y el santo Evangelio de Dios, y las buenas ob ras de misericordia, por donde vinieron a mâs creer su padrastro don Mart(n de Ayala y su M'adre dona Juana, y con todos sus hermanos, sirviendo a Dios, y tuvieron mucha habilidad y le en Dios f[18-20] 15)". 6 He was a devout catholic. but certainly not typical of his, day. Catholicism was not wholly embl'aced by the Indians. j'.tdging from the missionary accounts of persisting idolatr;(- even among 'hose who attended mass (Arriaga. (1621) 1968)- and the continumg worship of Huacas in the Andes ev,en today. 8

16 1 and later 1 MartinI tall~ht his step-father don Martfn de Ayala. second per. on of the Inca, and hls mocher and Izis hrothers, / tlze holy laws and God's gospel, and the works of mercy, from where his step-father don Martin de Ayala and his mother dona Juana became believers, and wilh ail his hrfllhers, servmg God, and they had much ability and fmth in Gad F Around 1580 the family moved from Cuzco, where Martin worked in a hospital for Indians ("Hospital de Naturales"), to Huamanga (Lopez Baralt, 1988: 71). Guaman Poma worked as an interpreter during their time in Cuzco and Huamanga, and it was often in this capacity that he was able to travel throughout Peru to gather information for his Nueva Cr6nica. Guaman Poma's religious education took a practical turn when he was employed as an interpreter on one of the campaigns to extirpate idolatry in the 1570's under the church inspector Crist6bal de Albornoz ([690] 104) (Adorno, 1986: 162). The visit he accompanied coincided with the Andean native millenarian revitalization movement known as Taqui Ongoy, which was dealt with very harshly by Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (Millones, 1973: 99). As a devout Christian and lndian, he must have been deeply divided by this event. He depicts Albornoz in an illustration ([675] 103) with the caption "Crist6bal de Alborn02., visitador general de la Santa Madre Iglesia. Buena justicia / Juez" ["Crist6bal de Albornoz, general visitor (inspector) of the Holy Mother Church. Good justice/ Judge" 1. whkh is followed in the text by a bittl~r description of the event: 7 Ali English translations of the Nueva Cr6nica in this work are my own. 9

17 "Cnstôbal de A/borno: fue bravo jue: y castigô a los padres cruelmente, Cl los soberhlosos. y CLlStlg() a los demonios guacas 1 huclcasj.. y quemô y coro:o a los heclzicleros indios. lndias. y castig6 Cl los falsos hechicieros, y taquioncoy (/690 J 104)". fcrist6bai de Alborno:.. was ù stern judge and cruell.v punished the fathers, the arrogant, ùnd the huaca demons and burned and corroded the Indian sorcerers, and chastised the false sorcerers and taquioncoy (Taqui Ongoy).] Guaman Poma's education was meagre and informai by his own admission ([8] 8), but he was by no means isolated from Spanish intellectual circles. It is remarkable that this Indian received any education at ail, let alone one that included sorne knowledge of secular classical works ("... como los escribieron... los dichos poetas y filôsofos letrados Aristôteles y Pompeyo, Julio César, Marcos Flavio y Claudio... ([13] 12)" ["... as they wrote the said poets and philosophers Aristotle and Pompey. Julius Caesar, Marcos Flavio and Claudius... "1 ). The Nueva Cr6nica also suggests that the author had come into contact with sorne of the great Humanist writers of Spain such Bartolomé de Las Casas. He demonstrates a familiarity with many of the popular text.s of the period induding the works of history (œlaci6nes, cr6nicas, hil)torias), and especially the ubiquitous bilingual Quechua-Spanish sermons, catechisms, and confessionaries ust!d 10 convel"t the Indians. These popuiar works which aecompanied missionaries throughout Peru were published first in Spain, and later in Peru after the introduction of the printing press In In faet tlhe few presses in Spanish America in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were almost wholly devoted to their 10

18 production. The ~ueva Cronica is modeled, at least formally, on a wide variety of secular and religious works that circulated at the lime, and it copies the style and tone of these popular genres. Guaman Poma claims to have written his manuscript over a 30 year period prior to 1613; a time he describes as a great personal sacrifice: ". pues yo te digo que me ha costado treinta anos de trabajo si yo no me engano, pero a la buena razon veinte anos de trabajo y pobreza, dejando mis casas e hljos y haciendas he trabajado entrdndome a media de los pobres y slrviendo a Dios y a Su Majestad, aprendiendo las lenguas, y leer y escribir, sirviendo a/os doctores y a los que no saben y los que saben... ({7/5] /27)". f"... And 1 say unto you that it has cast me thirty years of labour, and if 1 am not mistaken. but for good reason twenty years of work and poverty, abandoning my houses and chi/dren and properties 1 have worked, joining the ranks of the poor, and serving God and your Majesty, learmng the languages, to read and ta write, serving the learned and those who do not know and those who (do) know / During part of this time he travelled extensively through the defunct Inca empire and collected "testimony" from his people, many of whom still remembered Iife before the Spanish conquest. The actual time he took to compile his manuscript is questionable (Adorno, 1987: 54-57), as is his degree of poverty, but he clearly devoted a 1 1

19 large part of his life to writing the :\ueva Cronica. s lsee also [ ) 430). Between the years 1613 and Guaman Poma made his final amendmer.ts to the manuscript. probably while employed in Lima. The pagination was altered 10 reflect his modifications. and new picces were added including the final chapter entitled "Camina el Autor" which describes his long winter journey through the high Andes mountains to Lima. from where his manuscript was to leave by ship for Spain. He intended to deliver the manuscript himself to the king of Spain. which he depicts in an illustration (plate 2 [961 J 337).9 Here he depicts himself reading from his manuscript at the feet of the monarch, who listens attentively (see also [ ). We also have a letter dated 14 February of the only other known work of the author. which confirms his intention to bring the manuscript himself to the King. Guaman Poma had expected the manuscript to be printed and published in Spain for the benefit of Christian readers in Spain ([ Il] 9). From Lima the document left by ship to Spain, where it disappeared. We can be certain that it wa:; ne ver read by the Spanish monarch, or likely anyone eise, until this century. 8 His claim to paveny and personal sacrifice would seem ta be an exaggeration. Guaman Poma's work as interpreter, along with his hereditary rights to land and tribule collection. must have placed him among an elite of weil-off Indians 10 Peru. 9 "Esrando en este estado pretendio el d,cho autor de irse a presenrarse a Su Ma)esrad para que fuese e)eculado su servicio y trabajo de tantos anos Of (fi 108/ 430) [Finding himse/f ln this [impoverished/ state the said author mtended to go himse/f and present himself before rouf Ma)esry so that his service and work of so many years mlght be fulfilled / 12

20 Recent history of the :\fueva Cr6nica In 1908 the Nueva Cr6nica was dlscovered by Richard Pietschmann ~f the University of G6ttingen among the papers in an archive of the Royal Library of Denmark in Copenhagen. No one knows how or wh en the document came to reside in Copenhagen--possibly it was bought in Madrid by a seventeenth-century Danish Ambassador- but the collection of which it is part is mentioned in the Royal library catalogues as early as the late eighteenth century (Murra, 1961: 35; Adorno, 1989: 51). Pietschmann brought the manuscript to Germany, where he began a transcription of it which was continued by other scholars following his death. This project to transcribe and publish the manuscript was never realized, and the document was returned to Copenhag~n in A facsimile edition was finally published in 1936 in Paris with the title Nueva Crônica y Buen Gobierno (Codex Peruvian Illustré) by Paul Rivet and his colleagues at l'institut d'ethnologie (Guaman Po ma, 1936). As a facsimile edition, i. provides extremely valuable information on the author's orthography, calligraphy and design, but the hand-written text is often difficult to read. Two editions of the Nueva Cr6nica, set in modern type, were published in 1980 (Guaman Poma. 1980a, 1980b), making the text available for the first time to a larger readership. The Rolena Adorno and John V. Murra edition (Quechua translation by Jorge L. Urioste) follows the Spanish orthography of the original manuscript and includes ail author's Quechua interjections with transiations. This edition went into a second edition in 1987 (Guaman Poma, 1987). Also in 1980 Franklin Pease published an edition of the Nueva Cr6nica in modern Spanish orthography and like the Adorno edition 1 3

21 it had Spanish translatiops followmg the Quechua in the text. This is the edition of the Nueva Cronica 1 have chosen to follow. and thl' one used for ail quotes in this work. lo Descri ption of the N ueva C r6nica The Nueva Cronica is pages long in the original manuscript and contains over 400 pen and ink illustrations by the author's own hand. The author divided his work into two sections: the "Nueva Cronica" and the "Buen Gobierno".11 The Nueva Crônica is a history of two peoples, the Andean and Spanish. Guaman Poma gives a side by side history of the Spanish and Andean worlds from the begir.ning of time up to the conquest of Peru. an event which for the author initiated a new world. The Nueva Cr6nica describes the origins and deve~opment of the Christian people from their biblical ongms In Adam and Eve through to the Spanish arrivai in the New World and the conque st. Similarly, the Andean people's development is documented from the remote (mythical) past of the first people, through the long Andean chronology of ci vilization. up to the Inca and the arrivai of the Spanish in Peru. Following his pre-conquest histories of the Christian and Indian worlds. Guaman Poma provides a history of the conquest of Peru and early colonial period up to the 10 The Pease edition's modem Spanish spelling and translations of Quechua phrases still main tains the integrity of the onginal manuscnpt. f have opt'.:d to use this edition since the sections clted require no knowledge of sixteenth century Spanish usage. To my knowledge there have been no English or other foreign language ed!llons pljbhshed Il The two sections mlght have been IOtended ongmally as (Wo books, as the style and subject matter and author's table of contents seem to suggest. At the time of the final amendments ln 1615 Guam:lO Poma bound the Nueva Cronica y Buen Goblerno as one book, which he sent in manuscnpt fonn to Spain. 14

22 vlccroyalty at the lime that Guaman Poma was fimshing the fmal amcndments to hi<; manu~cript in The author's treatment of hl'itory recognizes three discrete "hi~tories": the pre-conquest Andean peoples, the Christian before 1492, ~nd the new spatial and temporal world opened up with the Spanish conquest. He continues in the Buen Gobierno with an account of life In colonial Peru. This second section. the Buen Gobierno ("Good Government"), describes and reflects on the conditions in colonial Peru around him, including descriptions of the colonial posts, short biographies of the viceroys and other colonial officiais, and suggestions for colonial reform. It is in this section, with the use of anecdotal descriptions of corrupt officiais and cruel priests, that the author launches his most scathing attacks of Spanish corruption. The Buen Gobierno differs from the Nueva Crônica in subject matter as weil as tone. In it he oscillates between desperate pleas for justice, scathing attacks on crown officiais, and sermons on moral conduct for the betterment of his Spanish readers. Since it was Guaman Pama's ultimate intention to communicate the grievances of his people to the Spanish monarch, and, with his pleas for justice reform the colonial system in Peru, he takes great pains to document as thoroughly as possible the conditions of late sixteenth cpntury and early seventeenth century Peru. One has the impression in the Buen Gobierno that Guaman Poma can no longer contain his passions, which begin to spill out of the ordered discourse the author had spent such efforts in creating. 1 5

23 Critical Approache~ to the ~ueva Cronica Considering the diversity and scope of the ;'I.Iueva Cronlca. l'rom pre Columbian Andean customs to corruption in the Peruvlan viceroyalty of the early seventeenth century. it IS not surpnsmg that il has come ta the attention of scholars in a number of fields. In the last two decades. and especially SInce the publication of the modern type editions of 1980, there ilave been a handful of book-iength studies and dùzens of articles published on the Nueva Cr6nica from scholars in fields as varied as archaeology, ethnology, Hispanie lilerary studies, semiotics, and history. What follows is a brief survey of the CUITent state of research on the Nueva Cr6nica. Anthropology After the publication of the facsimile edition in the anthropological community began ta show interest in the manuscript. It could be used to coitoborate the findings of archaeologists or confirm or discredit the other "ethnographie" sources l'rom the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries written by Spanish priests and crown officiais. As one of the few accounts of Andean life before and after the conquest written by a Peruvian Indian, the Nueva Cr6nica has been regarded as an important source of information on Andean ethnology (see for example Pietschmann, 1936). Like the missionaries who described in detail the religion they sought ta eradicate, ~o Guaman Poma describes in detail the institutions of the vanishing Inca civilization. His manuscript includes details on almost every aspect of Andean life: planting seasons and cycles with their associated 16

24 fcstivab and ri tuais; details of the Inca communications (the tambos and roads); chronologies and biographies of the Incas, coyas and captains. dress. law, record keeping (quipu), the labour tribute 'iy'ilcm. kinship and marriagc. place names, dates and other data on Inca civilization. He also provides infjrmation on the pre-inca civilizations of the Andes such as his own ethnie group, the Yarovilcas. 12 Nathan Wachtel (1977) makes ample use of the Nueva Cr6nica in his Vision of the Vanquished. whieh is one of the earlier and more important studies of native views of the eonquest of Peru. He uses native texts along with other historical and ethnological works to picce together the responses of native Peruvians to the Spanish conquest from an ethnohistorical approach. Others such as John V. Murra have made use of the Nueva Cr6nica to corroborate archaeologieal and ethnographie observations (see for example Murra, 1969; 1970). The Nueva Cr6nica is a link between the pre Columbian and the contemporary Quechua people s, and can often help in defining the continuities and breaks in the Andean cultural tradition. For example, from Guaman Poma's chapter on planting seasons and lore and rituals bound with the cycle of food production have been helpful in making sense of the se activities among contemporary Quechua Indians (Urton, 1981). Ethnolinguists and 12 The last point IS Imponant for the author. Spaniards had taken at face value the Inca claim that Andean civilization was an Inca invention (they also believed the age of the Inca to be far greater than their actual age of 100 years). an error Guaman Poma sought to ~orrect. Guaman Poma intended to demonstrale that civllizauon 10 the Andes pre-dated the "idolatrous" Inca. He argues throughout!he Nueva Cr6nica that the Andean people were Christian, until Idolatry was introduced by the Inca. 1 7

25 those interested in phenomena such as demography and nugration have been grateful for the examples of sixteenth century Quechua usage in the Nueva Cronica. The Quechua text tells us not only about the language as it was spoken at the time (see fot example Husson. 1985). but more importantly. the metaphors used by native Peruvians to "make sense" of the new world created through conque~t. It can also be used to trace the diffusion of peoples and cultures in the Andes. 13 The value of the Nueva Cronica to anthropologists is made apparent when we consider that Guaman Poma himself was something of an ethnologist. After ail. he was concerned with documenting the customs and social organization of the Inca. and giving a written account of the oral traditions of his people ([8] 7-8). His breakdown of Inca institutions into chapters on political organization. economy. communication (tambos). religion and so on is remarkably similar to the traditional categories used in modern ethnographie studies. 14 History The historical sources such as the relaciones, cronicas, historias and visitas from the period of the conquest to when Guaman Poma 13 Regional dialects are often an effective means of tracing the movement of people, and there was a great deal of movement of people in Peru after the conquest. Many Indians were pushed off or abandoned lands valued by the Spanish and withdrew into marginal areas to escape the high tribute payments. Then, as part of his reforrns. viceroy Toledo forced the resettlement of many Indians into new communities (Reducci6nes) to facilitate labour and commodity tribute collection and make conversion easier. 14 This kind of breakdown into categories anificially separates aspects of Andean culture that are, and would have been in the mind of Ouaman Poma. inseparable. Perhaps he is following the model of one of the books published at the lime on Inca civilization. 1 8

26 finished the ~ueva Cr6nica, are quite extensive. They were, however, wriuen by Spaniards, and usually in the interests of vindicating Spanish rule in Peru. Historians and anthropologists who wish to look at (ndian responses to the conquest and colonialism in Peru have had the ta~k of piecing together the voice of the conquered primarily through Spanish writings. Even in the cases where the Spanish sought to document native customs and the responses of Indians to the conquest (for ex ample the Aztec-Spanish dialogues of 1524), we are still left with the European filter that chose what to note or discard, what questions to ask, and all in a European language. 15 The Nueva Cr6niea has been invaluable to writing this kind of history (see for example Nathan Wachtel's Vision of the Vanquished, or more recently, Ronald Wright's Stolen Continents). The Nueva Cr6nica is certainly not reliable, in a conventional sense, as a "history"; Guaman Poma is not too concerned with accurate dates. and falsifies events. For example, Guaman Poma has Pizarro sail to Peru with Columbus (plate 26 [373] 270), and c1aims there was no conquest of Peru--the Spanish were welcomed at Tumbes (illustration [375] 271). As an historical source it is packed with ail kinds of ineongruities and inconsistencies. These "ineonsistencies" are only ineonsistent with the aims of the European historiographical paradigm of the day- with whieh Guaman Poma had a limited understanding- and the y vanish when we look at the overall (ogie of the Nueva Cr6nica. t 5 See for example Bernardino de Sahagûn Historia general de las cosas de Nueva Espana. 19

27 Cosmology For Juan Ossio (1970; 1973; 1977) the "logic" or meaning of the text can be found in the author's Andean organization of the universe. Ossio's work has looked at the underlying categories Guaman Poma uses to organize and order the experience of the conquest: principally the Andean notions of time and space that the author uses to order the colonial world, and the Quechua metaphors he extends to interpret the Spaniards and the conque st. For Ossio the Nueva Cr6nica represents a window into the Andean organization of the world and a place where we can begin to see the sense made of the conquest by the Andean people. Ossio claims that the Nueva Cronica. for ail its apparent compliance to the Renaissance world of letters. was written by an Indian whose knowledge of that world was limited and subordinate to his Andean tradition. For example, the Spanish notion of linear, irreversible time- so essential to their idea of history- was lost on Guaman Poma who employed the Andean model of "five ages" of statie time. It is clear that Guaman Poma is ordering the new world created by conquest according to his Andean temporal categories when he uses the five-age model of lime in his history of the pre-conquest Spanish and Indian worlds, and again in his history of colonial Peru. Similarly, Guaman Po ma orders the physical, social and cultural world of colonial Peru according to the Andean spatial and moral categories of hanan and hurin (upper and lower moieties) and the quadripartite division of space (see for example Guaman Poma's world map, the "Mapimundi", which graphically illustrates this organization of space (plate 33 [ ] ». 20

28 History of European Letters There are others who have emphasized the author's commitrnent to, and participation in European culture and the activity of writing over and above the obvious indigenous cultural aspects of the document. Two scholars in particular, Roleila Adorno and Mercedes Lopez Baralt, have been active in situating the Nueva Cr6nica in the European literary culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Rolena Adorno has been the most active student of the Nueva Cr6nica with two book-iength studies (1986: 1989) (three including her 1974 Cornell doctoral thesis), a critical edition of the Nueva Cr6nica (1980), and sorne twenty articles. She has been largely responsible for bringing the Nueva Cronica to the attention of scholars in many fielc.l,s through her publications in both Spanish and English in historical, anthropological and Iiterary semiotic journals. Her objective has been to "perform an act of decolonization in the forum of historical literary scholarship" (1986: 3), which is to say to carve out a place in the history of ideas for the Nueva Cromca. Her approach has been that of a scholar of Hispanie Iiterature and European Letters, and she has undertaken to place the Nueva Cronica in the intellectual context of its day. Her book Guaman Poma: Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru (1986), discusses the how Guaman Porna makes use of the discursive forms of the Iberian Renaissance, and in particular historiograhy, and how the author finds his voice through the subversion of these forms. For Adorno the Andean author is a disenfranchised but eaget colonial writer, one of the first generation of "Latin American" wrilers, whose work can be analysed and interpreted according to the objectives and formai properties of the 21

29 Renaissance world of leuers Adorno has done excellent n.~search on uncovering the literary and intellectual influences on G uaman Poma. his engaging, misinterpreting and subverting of sorne of the principle works, themes and literary genres of the period. and from her research emerges the picture of the Peruvian author as an eager literary neophyte with a revolutionary anti-colonial ;lgenda. Semiotics Other research by Adorno has endeavoured to interpret the more than 400 pen and ink illustrations in the Nueva Cr6nica. This parallel discourse, whose content is in many ways inde pendent of the written text, has received comparatively less attention. They may be viewed in sorne sense as "ethnographie" in that the author used them to depict not only people (in portraits and scenes), but many aspects of Andean life before and after the conquest. They ca.n be iconic (the maps of Spanish and Andean cities, the "Mapa mundi"). representational (the portraits and the representations of historical events), or used to depict metaphysical principles such as the Trinit y, heaven and hell and virtues or vices. There has been a tendency to value the illustrations for what the y tell us about the Andean world, rather than an interest in them as a signifying system. Adorno's semiotic studies of the illustrations (see 1979; 1981) opened up the overall understanding of the Nueva Cr6nica by showing that the author often used his illustrations to articulate sorne of his most radical ideas. Frequently, when the author has to choose his words of criticism carefully so not to offend the royal reader, it is in the illustrations where he expresses his unrestricted views. 22

30 Further research into the illustrations by ~\'Ierœdes Lop!z-Baralt has looked at the relation the se illustrations have to the visual arts of the counter-rcformation (1979b; 1982; 1988). The use of illustrations to teach church doctrine was common in Guaman Poma's day, especially given that lileracy in Andean and European society al the time was uncommon. There are many similarities between Guaman Poma's drawings and the instructional woodcuts that adorned books intended to teach the doctrine. Official Church decrees made at the meeting of the Third Council of Lima encouraged the use of images to convert the Indians to the Faith (Lopez-Baralt, 1988). "Sin embargo. para los fines utilitarios de la catequizac{on efectiva. la iglesia restauro a partir dei Tridentino la tradicion de la memoria artificial, y la imagen se convertio en el instrumento de proselitlsmo preferido para la evangelizacion dei indio americano. Ademâs dei analfabetismo habla que luchar contra las dificultades planteadas por lenguas y culturas no europeas. La comunicacion visual pareci6 el medio mas expedito para estos prop6sitos por depender menos de la traducci6n y por estar secularmente probado en el arte de persuadir (Lopez-Baralt, 1982' 483)". [However, to the noble ends of effective catechization, the church restored according to the Tridentino the tradition of artificial memory, and images were converted into the preferred instrume/zt of proselytism for evangelizing the American lndians. Beside llliteracy there was the fight against the problems raised by non-european languages and cultures. Visual communication seemed to be the most expedient medium for these aims duc? to its fesser dependence on translation and its proven effectiveness as a means of secular persuasion.] 23

31 el No doubt the use of images to express ideas would have appealed ta his oral culture. Guam41lll Poma's idea of mixing words and pictures came from his encount{~r with European books. but there IS also a tradition of visual expression from his Andean tradition that lies wilhin his work. The fact that the written and visual text of the Nueva Cronica can stand as independent discourses suggests that the author did not exactly operate with the idea of underscoring the meaning of words with graphie reminders. as ln the works of the counter-reformation. Wf! note that following the author's pagination. the illustrations always precede the text in initiating new topics of discussion. Both Adorno and Lopez-Sarah have emphasized the European character of the illustraltions. One need only leok at the series of portraits of nobles in their elegant poses. d.epictions of devils hovering over human sc:enes or of the Christian God and Trinit y, to see that the lexicon of signs used by Guaman Poma is primarily European,16 Nonetheless. to understand these drawings. one must go beyond the European exterior to the underlying logic of the relation of signs In these illustrations. Adorno's 1979 article "Icon and Idea" was one of the first semiotic swdies of the drawings. Her research looked at the use of the highly conventionalized pictorial backgrounds and the spatial positioning of Indian and Spanish subjects, and how the se relations are used to convey information. Looking at the spatial reactions between subjects in the drawings she 16 Demons and devils. representing camai and evil temptation. appear oftcn in human scenes in the an of the late medieval and early renaissance. which have provided Guaman Pama with an anistic model. 24

32 was able to demonstrate how the author uses the traditional Andean quadripartite and upper and lower division of space to communicate information about the Spanish and Indian worlds. The left to right and above-below fields convey superior and inferior positions. The mo~t powerful commentary about the Spanish is often shrouded in the less obvious use of spatial configuration. Adorno continued this project in an article that appea.red in Semiotica in 1981, which focused on the dichotomy Guaman Poma sets up in the pictorial backgrounds between indoor-outdoor and the associated values of corrupt (Spanish) and pure (Indian). The author uses the se two backgrounds to cast the foreground subject in a certain Iight. Lopez BaraIt aiso emphasizes the Andean order imposed on the European visual lexicon employed by Guaman Poma in her 1979 article "La persistencia de las estructuras simb6licas andin as en los dibujos de Guaman Poma de Ayala". The semiotic studies to date have centered on the fundamentally Andean "grammar" that is used to order the European signs in the visual text. From Ossio's wor'k on the written text and the semiotic studies of the illustrations, we find that the borrowed European codes. be they literary genre!. or ecclesiastical images, are misappropriated and ordered according to another logic altogether. The author's need to communicate directly to the Spanish king has him adopt the se Spanish codl!s to communicate, but he has a limited knowledge of their appropria te use. 25

33 Thesis approach To try to isolate the "Indian" ideas or underlying Andean conceptual categories of Guaman Po ma in the Nueva Cronica or how the ideology and formai properties of Renaissance' Iberian literature and counter Reformation art came to be acquired and used by a Peruvian Indian. seems to overlook an essential point. Both of these approaches begin with the notion of something immutable: either the "Indianness" of Guaman Poma. or the literary and artistic tradition that Guaman Poma is seen to either follow or subvert in his work. In the first instance, it is implied that the author is a representative of a culture that is statie (il was not altered by the conque st) and homogeneous (Guaman Poma can speak for ail Quechua Indians). We know this is not the case. 17 Il would be absurd to assume that the Nueva Cr6nica is an uncorrupted source of Andean knowledge. a link into the precolumbian world, untainted by the influences of the conquest. 18 ln the second instance. it seems pointless to attempt a reconstruction of European literary culture from the Nueva Cronica. Comparing the Nueva Cronica to this tradition to measure its agreement or disagreement with it overlooks the novel and idiosyncratic elements 17 Il is inevitable and obvious that both Spanish and Indian cultures were changed by the experience of colonialism. Moreover. Guaman Poma was pan of a very small c1ass of rulers from a distinct ethnicity within a massive empire that contalned m,idy different peoples, 18 There are a sorne texts which may be consldered truely pre-columbian expressions. such as the few remaining Maya codlces. as weil as a number of tradiuonal oral texts later recorded 10 wnung. The Popol Vuh of QUIche Maya of Guatemala is a good example of the latter (Tedlock. 1985). 26

34 of the text and the umque historical moment of its creation. 19 Guaman Poma's Nueva Cr6nica refiects the chaotic and polyglot nature of colonial Peru of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The question of the author's integrity as an "Indian" voice has become part of this issue. That he uses the Spanish language and a European media to communicate his message has led sorne scholars to dismiss the document as an inauthentic voice of the conquered. "Even those chroniclers who were Indian or pari ïndian (Pachacuti Yamqui, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, and Garcilasco de la Vega) recorded their descriptions of indigenous society and culture in a nonindigenous, European language (Spanish). Th e.refore, the elhnohistoric d,- cuments must ail be viewed as European interpretations of what was seen or heard (Urton, 1981: 4 J." White there can be no doubt that the act of writing constitutes in a very real sense a bridging of cultural traditions, it doesn't have to mean that the written words are "European interpretations". Guarnan Poma was not European, and moreover he does very "un-european" things with the literary culture he engages. Rather, we should think of the Nueva Cr6nica as an assemblage, an intersection of indigenous and European cultures. The Nueva Cr6nica is a place in which sorne of the chaos and humiliation experienced by the vast majority of indigenous Peruvians in early colonial Peru are given form along with elements of the culture of the conquering Spanish. 19 Porras for exampte. faults the work for precisety what makes it, at least in my mind. important and unique: its poty-cultural aspects. "El gran defecto de Huaman Poma es su incultura 0 10 que es peor, su semi-cultura" (Porras dted in Lopez-Barah. 1988: 80). [tlguaman Poma's blggest defect was his lack of culture or. what is worse, his seml-culture tl ). 27

35 "In tlze act of ",riting he reduced the chaos of colonial circumstances to tears and to the written fines of consonants and s.vllahles, the signs will! which the colonzal power made ils mark and that betoken its entire reaut)' (Sullivan, 1988: 587)" Most indigenous Peruvians, and virtually a11 urban Peruvians. were changed by the conque st and imposition of colonial rule. The collapse of traditional structures of power was accompanied by far reaching changes or "restructuring" of indigenous cultures. To greater or lesser degrees the Andean people were acculturated. 20 In sorne cases, 10 the domain of religion, traditional betief systems took on a façade of Catholicism but remained fundamentally intact, and in other cases, such as Guaman Poma's, there was an acceptance of the Catholic faith. Depending on region or social statu s, degrees of acculturation wou Id have varied. 21 The historical context of sixteenth and seventeenth century Peru and the exceptional life that Guaman Poma led form the context in which we should read the Nueva Crôniea. 1 have chosen to emphasize this pragmatie and synchronie dimension of the text over others. What prompted Guaman Poma to engage in the activity of writing was the desire to communicate with the Spanish monarch. For this reason 1 feel we must bear in mind the author's underlying motive to write as 20 The Spanish as weil as Indian cultures were altered by the conquest. The result of this encounter was a new culture that contamed clements of both. We should remember that the native Peruvians made up the vast majority of the population of Peru, and consequently had a profound influence on the emerging colonial society. 21 There is a considerable body of literature on the perslstence of indigenous religious and cosmologlcal beliefs in Peru and how the y have adapted to include elements of the Spanish national culture. See for example Allen ; Bastien, 1973; Gow. 1978; lsbell. 1987; Unon,

36 wc rcad the Sueva Cronica. It may seem aruficial to separate form from content in the Nueva Cr6nica but in fact it can be a useful enlerprise and one rhat the author himself carried out. We know that Guaman Poma was an initiale into the Spanish world of leuers and that he had a limited understanding of the cultural meaning of these discursive genres which he adopted for his own work. The Nueva Crônica was written with a specifie destinaire in mind: Philip III of Spain. It was his intention to communicate his radical critique of the Spanish conquest to the Spanish monarch, and in doing so, reform colonial Peru. As such, the Nueva Crônica attempted to communicate ta the king in his own "language"; it was modeled on the Iberian literary genres and discursive practices with which Guaman Poma had limited contact as a literate but marginal colonial subject. The approach 1 am following in this thesis is of necessity eclectic. By this 1 mean 1 am not following a particular methodology or set of principles developed in any one field of study. When we consider the task at hand--an analysis of a document written by a Peruvian Indian, in a second language, about a world that was in chaos, for a reader whom he never knew--it seems reasonable to favour a hermeneutic approach over any other. There is the need for an analytical approach that casts as wide a net as possible into the text. The approach 1 have taken borrows from the work of different areas of study; principally semiotics, anthropology, Hispanie lilerature and social history. The validity of this approach, Wilh ail ils subjective shortcomings, is still defendable. Using any one methodology for an analysis of the Nueva Cronica would have to be ultimately reductionist. This is apparent in the case of Guaman Poma's 29

37 illustrations that aceompany (he text. These Illustrations, whlch ~eem on the surface to eommunieate elear messages that are amenable to analysis by semiotics, are in fael only made intelligible by appealing to knowledge outside the drawings themsel ves (Quechua cosmology). The very knowledge we take to semiotics, such as our understanding of time and space, can only fail us here. For ail their seeming eomplicity to the European tradition of Counter-Reformational art, the drawings can not be rendered meaningful with the same methods of analysis one would use for European art. If the European drawings of the Counter-ReformatioH and Guaman Poma's hand rendered illustrations share an overlapping lexicon of signs, they do not share a common "grammar". The relation of signs, the "grammar" that underlies their use and upon which the work of semiotics rests, is fundamentally different in the Andean world. Understanding the notions of time, space, superiority-inferiority, interior-exterior or positive-negative that Guaman Po ma took to his illustrations is essential to understanding what is expressed In these drawings. The same applies to the written text. "History" as Guaman Poma understood it was fundamentally different from "history" as it was understood In Renaissance Europe. While Guaman Poma adopts so many of the genres and conventions of Renaissance Iberian writing, he look to them an altogether different knowledge of the world. 22 So when Guaman Po ma gives us his encyclopaedic history of the world from creation to the present age we should be immediately alerted to 22 And, of course, a different agenda. Il is ironie thal this Pcruvian Indian uses the the very tool of European imperialism. writing. to make his allack on Spanish colonialism 30

38 the problem of the underlying differences between European and Andean notions of "time", "agency" and "causality". In the same way that we must be alerted to these underlying Andean concepts in his work, we must be aware of the history of our own notion of "time" in European historiography. This kind of approach, which has been referred to as hermeneutic or "interpretive" by scholars such as Clifford Geertz, rests on a long tradition in the humanities and social sciences; a defence of which has been argued convincingly in other works and need not be made here. 23 There are, however, a few examples of studies that share a common probjematic with my own, and which have served loosely as a model (or inspiration) for this thesis. Carlo Ginzburg's study of the Inquisition trial transcripts of a sixteenth-century ItaJian peasant convicted of heresy in The Cheese and the Worms (1982) is one example. Ginzburg's work is concerned with the intt:raction between the emerging dominant literary culture of early modern Europe and the growing population of literate peasants who encountered this culture. In this case the object of study is the particular case of Menocchio, a literate and out3poken miller of the Italian hamlet of Montereale, who's radical religious and political views, arising from his encounter with the written word and the reformation, led to his arrest for heresy. In man y respects the case of Guaman Poma parallels that of Menocchio. Ginzburg asks: 23 See for ex ample Geenz. ]983; Rabinow, ]

39 'To ~,,'hat extent are the possible clements of the dominant culture found in the popular culture the resu[t of a more or less deilberate acculturation, or of a more or [ess spontaneous convergence, ratller than an unconscious distortion of the source, inclined obviously to [ead what is unknown back ta the known and the familiar (Gin:burg, /982' 6)." Guaman Poma and Menocchio both represent degrees of acculturation arising from the encounter with another, dominant (literate) culture. 24 Guaman Poma's encounter with the written word and Iberian culture is passed through his Andean filter. His Quechua cosmology, the "language" used to eut the world up into meaningful, discernible things, becomes the unconscious filter he imposes on his expenence of the Spanish conquest of Peru. Thus, the European literary forms he uses are subservient to the Quechua culture that directs their use. Anthropology, which has engaged in this kind of activity since at least the end of the last century, is perhaps hermeneutic social science par excellence. 25 The most enduring criticism of it has been ils obscurantism and subjectivity: how do we know what you say about these people is really true? The inability to verify something with calibrated, "objective" methods has caused some to question the integrity of the whole interpretive project. 26 However, it can be 24 We would have to say the Spanish culture was dominant in Peru despite the overwhelmingly larger Indian population and continued resistance to Spanish ways. 2S We may thmk of the "historical panlcularism" and cultural relativism of Franz Boas, the father of American ethnography, or the early Bruish social an thropolo g i sts. 26 See for example Marvin Harris (1979) Cultural Matertalism' the Struggle for a Science of Culture. 32

40 argued that ail work in the humanities and social sciences is to sorne degree interpretive. Moreover, the c1aims one makes 10 research can ultimately be held up against the thing they purport to describe: texts, rituals. or in this instance. the extraordinary document left by Guaman Poma. One must balance the idiosyncratic vision of Guaman Poma. the fundamental cognitive categories of his Quechua culture. with the ide a that the Nueva Cronica can be interpreted solely within the relations of power in which it was produced. Semiotic studies of the Nueva Cronica, or other Andean texts for that matter. have tended to isolate the text as a self-contained signifying system-- a "universe of meaning" that doesn't appeal to anything outside itself. This is an epistemological problem inherent in structuralism: meaning 10 texts is seen solely as the function of the relation of signs within. This is further complicated, as we have seen. when we recognize that the Nueva Cronka itself is a polyglot of languages. The subject. as both the author of the text, and one for whom the text can have meaning. is overlooked. Il is this divorcing of subject from the meaning that 1 hope to aviod in a hermeneutic approach in this thesis. Understanding Guaman Poma, as a disenfranchised Indian author living under Spanish rule, IS essentiai to understanding his work. By the same token, the extraordinary circumstances cf his life, the chaotic collision of two worlds, provide the context in which we should view the Nueva Cronica. 33

41 In this chapter 1 will look at two levels of signification in the Nueva Cr6nica: Guaman Poma's use of European literary and visual semiotic codes, and how he uses them to establish a discursive space for himself. The first section will discuss the author's use of popular Iiterary genres to serve as a media for his radical critique of Spanish rule. The second section will discuss the author's use of European heraldic representations to construct a (literary) persona for h imself as Andean "prince". Guaman Poma borrows and manipulates the codes of his masters as part of his strategy to initiate and carry out his communication with his Spanish audience - principally the Spanish monarch. We know that the author is addressing his communication to a Spanish audience: the use of the Spanish language and written medium, and the frequent and explicit appeals to the Spanish monarch, the Pope and "Spanish sinners" in the text confirm this. The Nueva Cr6nica is 34

42 his atternpt at communjcating across the cultural barrier between Spanish and Indian worlds. But more significantly it is an attempt to communicate in the other's language in what Adorno has described a'i a "dizzying and desperate movement from one generic formula to another to recounl history and argue for colonial reform (Adorno, 1986: 10)". TransJating his own culture into the language of the other demands, on an immediate level, an act of incorporation: the glossing of Quechua concepts in Spanish. In his descriptions of Andean society the author attempts to render the social categories of his people inta what he believes are the equivalent ones in the Spanish world. Traditional Andean rulers of the Suyus, the Câpac Apos, become "princes" in Guaman Poma's scheme. But this act of glossing goes beyond the necessity of translating into the language of the Spaniards- for why wou Id he alternate between Quechua and Spanish terms, or In sorne cases use the Quechua nouns exclusively and in others the Spanish? For example he uses the Quechua term of nobility "Câpac Apo" when he refers to his father and grandfather while reserving the European title "principe" (prince) for himself; even though his claim to princely status cornes from his paternal descent and hereditary position as Capac Apo. There are rhetorical and political reasons underlying his decisions in translation. The Spanish destinaire Il has been noted by most students of the Nueva Cr6nica that Guaman Po ma uses the pretence of a letter to direct his criticisms and appeals for reform to the Spanish monarch. No doubt the author 35

43 must have thought that if anyone were able to rectify the injustices in Peru il was the monarch himself.:!7 For this reason he addresses the Nueva Crônica ta Philip IlI.:!8 However, this is complicated by the fact that he addresses the King of Spain on two levels: as both a living persan and as a cosmological force. For Ossio (1970; 1973; 1977) the direct petition to the king provides the principle basis on which to read the document. The Nueva Crônica is not, according to Ossio, a petition ta the king of Spain as a persan, but an appeal to an Andean metaphysical principle: the centre of the four quarters where the Inca resided. In the absence of the Inca ruler, Guaman Poma turns ta the King of Spain who has replaced the Inca as the centre which presides over the four quarters. 29 Though the text is often cryptic and (often unintentionally) misleading, it is still an attempt to lay out as clearly as possible, within the confines of what 27 Il was not uncommon to address literary works to the monarch for reasons of patronage or to petition for royal favours. The Franciscan Fnar Buenaventura de Salinas y C6dova. for example. addressed his Memonal of the Histories of the New World of Peru to Philip IV. "Monarch of the two Worlds" (in MacCormack. 1985: 434). Similarly. Guaman Poma addresses the Kang as "Monarco dei Mundo" ("world monarch") and the Pope as "monarca celestial" ("celestial monarch") ([4] 6). 28 The ume Guaman Poma took to write the Nueva Cr6naca spanned the relgn of two kings an Spain. At the time of his final revisions tn Guaman Poma changed ail but a few of the earlier references from Philip Il to the name of the then ruling Philip Ill. 29 The Inca empire. Tawantlnsuyu (Iiterally "four quarters of the world") was presided over by the capital city of Cuzco ("navel"). The expanded known world for the Indians after the conquest was organized by Guaman Poma wlth the same quadripartite organization of space that the Andean people used to organize physical. social and cosmological space. Here. he places the King of Spain in the central position preslding over the four Spanash "kingdoms" of the Moors. Africans. Spanaards and the Indies. See iiiustrallon (plate 7 (42) 34). 4 The term relacl6n was applied to many kinds of wnrang in the Ibenan world of the sixteenth and seventeenth century. but 1 am USlOg Il in the restncted sense to mean the formai and conventlonal wntings of public servants in Ihe colonies. which were sometlmes referred to as canas relatorias. 36

44 the author bcljeved was acceptable discursive practice, the history and present conditions of his people. Adorno notes that "[as] a chronicle of Peruvian history written in Castilian for the Spanish king. the work seems to be decoder-oriented. The chronicle is a prose genre characterized by ils propensity to convey a message as 'bare' or intelligible as possible... (1981: 55)." A "Letter" to the king There are two senses in which we can see the Nueva Cr6nica as a "Ietter to the King". First, in many places it assumes the tone of a personal letter to the monarch. with the first-person singular voice and imploring, personal appeals to the king. Second, when Guaman Po ma adopts the form of a relaci6n he addresses himself directjy to the mon arch to engage him in a "conversation". This fabricated dialogue, in which the king asks the author questions about conditions in Peru, allows Guaman Poma to address his appeals for reform directly to the king and couch them in the form of benign advice. ln the chapter entitled "Pregunta su Majesdad" ("His Majesty Inquires") Guaman Poma takes on the tone of a wise council to the king, and advises him on ways to reform Peru for the betterment of the Spanish and Indian people. In the "Presentacion", the author's opening comments In the Nueva Cr6nica. Guaman Poma directly address the Philip III with the words: "Carta de don Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala a Su Majestad el Rey Philipe. Muchas veces dudé Sacra Cat6lica Real Majestad, acceptar esta dicha empresa y muchas mas... ([8} 7)". 37

45 fletter fram don Felipe Guanum Poma de Ayala to Your Majest,'" King Philip. l'vlan)' times 1 have doubted that your Royal Catlzolic Majesty would accept this sajj undertaklng. ami muclz more J Later, in a "dialogue" with the king he refers to the Nueva Cr6nica as a "carta" (letter): "... agradézcame este servlclo de trenta anos... para servir a Vuestra Majesdad; y anse que por 10 escrito y carta... ({976J 338)". (... thank me for this service of thirty years... for serving Your Majesty; as weil as for this writing and letter... J But perhaps where it resembles a letter most is in the frequent interpolations the author uses to direct his words to the king and Christian readers. For example, in his many "sermons" to the Spanish reader on their unscrupulous conduct in Peru, he often interjects phrases into the narrative such as "Que dijérades cristianos?" ["What do have to say for yourselves, Christians?"] ([964] 331). It is extremely difficult to define the Nueva Cr6nica according to any of the conventionai Renaissance literary forms, despite its being modeled on these forms. Is it historia, cr6nica or reiaci6n? Is it a "Ietter" to Philip III appealing for colonial reform in Peru? Is it a sermon containing an apocalyptic warning for European Christians to amend their ways? lt is perhaps best described as an "assemblage" of these discursive forms, in which the author picks up and casts aside these forms according to the requirements of the messages he 38

46 wishes to communicate. 30 To this confusion of discursive forms IS added a polyphony of narrative voices with which the author fragments into different identities- Noble Indian, Christian, "Prince" (European and Indian), "author", Preacher of the apocalypse, and historian (an impartial "cronista"). These different voices are assumed as the author shifts ItopieS or destinaires, according to the exigencies of the moment. Equally curious are the author's statements concerning the intended uses of his work. He informs the reader in his introduction that the Nueva Crônica is useful for "correcting the lives of Christians and infidels, confessing the Indians, and reforming their lives and erroneous idolatry, and for priests to know how to confess the said Indians... and for the reforming of the said encomenderos and corregidores and priests and >curates of the doctrines and the said miners. and the said caciques principales (Andean lords)" ([ 1] 4), and "to provide good moral ex amples so ail Christians may follow them, and sow and plant them so that they give good fruit and seeds for the service of Our Lord God" ([3] 4),31 Here Guaman Poma is following the rhetorical style and language of the "confesionarios" (Confessionaries) of the period. These were the bilingual Quechua Spanish "handbooks" for priests to take into the field to convert the Indians. This opening stated "use" for his book has no relation to the 30 The jumbled and chaotic nature: of the text led one of its firsl students. Raûl Porras Barrenechea to dismiss the Nueva Cr6nica as "pure nonsense" ("pura behetrfa mental") (Porras. 1948: 7). 31 His work has nothtng to do with "confessing the Indians". yet he adopts the standard introducllon of the conf,~ssionary. This is another example of how he misappropriates discursive forms- in this case he is seeking a means to initiate his discourse. 39

47 subsequent contenls- Guaman Poma is simply finding a convention to open the text, and has used the model of the confesionario. The confesionario, of ail the possible models available to him, perhaps most closely fits his own intended uses for the Nueva Crônica- to teach. and "convert" the king of Spain to his ideas. "... Ia dicha cron/ca es mu)' û.til )' provechosa, y es buena para enmie nda de vida para los cristianos e in fie/es, y para confesarse los dichos indios, y enmienda sus vidas y herronia idalatras, y para saber confesarlos a los djchos indios los dichos sacerdotes y para la enmienda de los dichos encomenderos de mdjos y corregidores y padres... " (flj 4) [... the said chronicle is most useful and beneficial, and it is good for the correction of the lives of the Christians and Infidels, and to confess the said Indians, and for the correction or their lives and erroneous idolatries, and to know how to confess the said Indians and the said priests and for the correction of the said truste es to the Indians and the magistrates and priests... 1 Elsewhere he expresses the desire to provide a history of the Andean people; to give a voice to those who "had no writing. only their quipus and legends and oral narratives of the ancient Indians... ([8J 5)")2 What was worse for Guaman Poma was that the few histories of his people that had been written were by Spanish cronistas. many 32 Quipus were the knoued strings used by the Inca to keep highly accurate and detailed records. Their use is not too weil understood. but from descriptions of the Inca wriuen in the sixteenth century we know that under the Inca the keepers of the Quipu maintained extremely concise records of the produciion. surplus and distribution of goods throughout the Inca Empire. as weil as other kinds of data (see Ascher and Ascher, ) 40

48 of whom had ne ver been to Peru ([ ] ). The Nueva Crônica was to redress the errors of these histories which: "... no declara de donde procedi6 el Inga, ni camo, ni de qué manera, ni por donde, ni declara si le venta el derecho y de camo se acab6 lodo su linaje, ni escnbfo de los reyes antiguos ni de los seiiores grandes, ni de olro cosas... (f )". {... didn't declare from where the Inca came from, nor how, nor in which manner, nor from where, nor does he declare if he had the power nor how his lineage came to and end, nor did he write about the the ancient kings and the grand lords, nor about other matters... 1 He desired also to contribute to the historical debates of his day which he had encountered in the Spanish cronicas of Peru. The author considered his Nueva Cronica as a work of history- hence its title. He undertook to write a history of the world from the beginning of time to the present, a project adhering to the Renaissance notion of a "world history" and, as we shah observe later, the Andean mythological order. 33 Like the historias of his Spanish contemporaries, the Nueva Crônica goes beyond a simple recording of the e"e!!ts of the past and seeks to draw morais and les sons for the benefit of the reader. Finding the lessons in history becomes the underlying teleology that ultimately leads Guaman Poma to adopt the tone of a sermon. He informs the (Spanish) 33 The literary and oral traditions exist in tunnoil, but organized by a fundamentally Andean "grammar". "History, as understood by his Spanish contemporaries. was reinterpreted by Guaman Poma according to the mythical categories of the Andean world. (Ossio. 1977: 51)". 41

49 Christian readers to heed the good examples of Christian conduct set out in the Nueva Cronica. and as in the sermons preached to the Indians. Guaman Poma threatens the "arrogant" Spanish sinners with eternal damnation in hello Guaman Poma depicts this fate graphically in his illustration of sinners burning in the jaws of hell (plate 3 [ ). As "re lacion" It is Guaman Poma's expressed intention to communicate with the king of Spain, and his ultimate aim is to influence the colonial policy of Philip III. For Guaman Poma to speak to the king of Spain directly he must first establish a relationship between himself and Philip III; for the legitimacy of his VOlce and the power of his suggestions for a reformed government in Peru depend on establishing sorne credibility. We can be certain that native grievances in colonial Peru were not sent to Spain for resolution, let alone to the king himself, yet this is precisely the author's aim. "Poma pensaba que después de leer su larga reflexi6n hislorica el Rey no podria evitar el llegar a la conclusion, y ordenar, por escrito, que los indios dei Peru podear. y debean gobernarse por si mismos para asegurar la sobrevivencia dei Imperio Espanol (Castro-Klaren, 1981: 47)". [... Poma thought that after reading his lengthy historical reflection, the king not could avoid coming to the conclusion, and ordering, in writing, that the Peruvian Indians could and should govern themselves to assure the survival of the Spanish Empire... J 42

50 Guaman Poma must first choose the language appropriate to communicate with the king of Spain. In the Iberian world of the late sixteenth century there were few opportunities for colonial subjects to gain access to the decision makers of colonial policy. The structure of power was such that the two bodies of real executive power, the king and the "Council of the Indies" (Consejo de Indias) resided In Spain, making communication difficult between the colonial administrators who carried out the law and the law-makers 10 Spain. OCten they were at cross-purposes, since policy designed in Spain was interpreted according to the realities of life and conditions in the colonies. The principle means for gathering the necessary information about the state of the colonies to make policy decisions at the court were the relaci6nes and the visitas,34 The relaci6nes provided the monarch with direct accounts of affairs in the colonies. Relaci6nes were reports arising from inquires or questions asked about specifie conditions in a colonial administrator's jurisdiction by the king on such topics as the conversion of the Indians, demography and census, production of gold, minerais and foodstuffs, the physical condition of land and inhabitants, idolatry and so on. These reports sometimes contained questionnaires to be given to the colonial subjects of a JUlÎsdiction. The kind of data provided in the relaci6nes were specifie, empirieal and tended not to speculate beyond the issues at hand, at least in principle (Adorno, 1986: 5-9). The visitas 34 The term relaci6n was llpvlied to many kinds of wntmg in the lberian world of the sixteenth and!i,"enteenth century, but 1 am using il in the restricted sense to mean the formai and convention ai writings of public servants in the colonies. which were sometimes referred to as "canas rejaloriu". 43

51 were similar to the relaclones. though. as the name linphes. they were earried out by representatives from Spain who "visited" the colonies to gather specifie information and carry out inspections for the monarch and council. Visitas could enquire into secular or religious affairs. with the latter kind of visitas associated with campaigns to extirpate idolatry among the Indians. sueh as the one Guaman Poma witnessed when employed by Crist6bal de Albornoz as interpreter. In addition to using the pretence of the relaci6n to legitimize his voice, Guaman Poma also refers to his work as a visita commissioned by the Inca. "La visita general de los indios tributarios di.? este reino compuesto por don Felipe de Ayala. principe. autor de esta dlcha cr6nica a la visita antigua de este reino como 10 mandaban visitar sus abuelos Topa Inga YupanquI. rey de este reino. ({455 J 335 )". {... The general visita of the tributary Indians of this kingdom prepared by don Felipe de Ayala. prince. aulhor of this said chronicle of the ancient visita of this kingdom as ordered to him by his grandparents Topa Inga Yupanqui. king of this kingdom... J No doubt this is a similar effort to lend his slatements the authority of the visits made by royal servants to gather information for the monarch. He aiso lists sorne of the nativ..! informants he consulted on his "visits" to colleet information ([ 1089] 417). Both the relaci6n and the visita were established and relied on heavily by Spam soon after the conquest. They constituted probably the most important communication links between Spain and the colonies up to the seventeenth century. 44

52 Following the ~tyle of the relacion, where the empirical nature of the data collection allowed for unadorned descriptive language, Guaman Po ma presents the world of the pre-conquest Andean people as pnma facie reality- as if witnessed and recorded by the author, even whcn de~cribing events that occurred before he was born. Rarely does he use he the qualitative "dicen que... " (the y say that... ); more often the language employed suggests the author's knowledge is first h and,3s When the allthor discusses events and institutions within living memory, such as life under the Inca, the conquest and contemporary conditions, he notes that his information cornes from the "testimony" of wîtnesses. Hence his claim, probably true, of having travelled in the four quarters of Tawantinsuyu (the old Inca Empire) collecting his information from informants. Guama', Poma's criticism of other writers who "inform the King with lies" ([976] pg 338) and his efforts to make his mf!thods of gathering data explicit manifest a concern with epistemolgy. Even the title. the "El Primer Nueva Cronica" ["First New Chronicle"] suggests the author felt his work to be original, containing sorne previously unrecorded "truth" (the point of view of the colonized),36 35 He uses the qualilative "dicen que... " ("they say") when describing the miracles that were purponed to have occurred during the conquest: the failure of a building to bum acter having been consecrated as a c.hurch. and the visions oc the virgin Mary (Santa Maria) and St. James (Santiago) which were seen by Inca soldiers (see the illustrations pp and text pp [ )) 36 OSSIO proposes that the meaning of the tille cornes from the Quechua collana ("first") which Implies "Iegltlmate" in the Andean world. "The [Nueva Cr6nica] was legitimate insofar as it embodied the voice of the Indians. the most legjljmate people ln the Andean territories, who were speaking through the most legjtlmate lndian. the "Second Person of the Inca" [Guaman Poma] (Ossio, 1977: 89n)". 45

53 The importance Guaman Poma attaches to having been there to collect his information was also shared by other writers in Peru and elsewhere in the Americas. The "truth condition" of Renaissance literature was set in texts: texts referred to other texts in endless hermeneutic circles. in which the validity of one's statements were held up against the canon of western literature (the scriptures. Aristotle. and so on) (Pagden. 1991: ). In the New World. where everything was so utterly different from Europe. it soon became apparent that this canon was inadequate in this capacity. While the canon provided the analogies and metaphors used to explain their initial encounter with the New World (see for example the practices of name giving by Columbus discussed in Sale, 1990), its explicative power soon ran out when, as Bernai Diaz dei Castillo remarked in the mid- sixteenth century, "... things as we did that had never been heard of or seen before, not even dreamed about... (Diaz, [1570?] 1956: 191)". The New World experience challenged the foundations of authority in literature. Authority in writing, especially among the chroniclers of the New World, came to stem from the fact of the author having witnessed the events in question, rather than from an adherence to an objective and universal "truth" set out in the canon of European letters. It is to the model of the relaci6n that Guaman Poma turns to find a legitimate means of communicating with the King. He includes a chapter entitled "Pregunta su Majestad" in which he sets up the Nueva Cr6nica as a response to an appeal for information by the king. Guaman Poma creates a dialogue of questions and answers to articulate his demands for reform in Peru. Coming from an oral 46

54 culture. Guaman Poma glves the relaci6n the flavour of a conversation rather than the tone of written correspondence. The kings questions stem from the immediately preceding answers given by Guaman Poma (obviously this would have been impossible considering the distances between speakers). The relnci6n provides him with the opportunity to present his radical views for reform under the guise of questioned asked by the king to illicit his advice and knowledge. He begins the relaci6n by setting up the context of the "dialogue": "Pregunta Sacra Cat6/ica Real Majestad al autor Ayala, para saber todo 10 que hay en el reino de las Indias dei Peril para el buen gobierno y justicia y remediarlo de los trauajos y mala ventura y que multiplique los pobres indios dei dicho reino... A la pregunta de su Magestad responde el autor y habla con su Majestad.. " ([974/ 336) 1.. His Royal Highness asks the author Ayala, in order to know what there is in the kingdom of the Indies of Peru for good government and justice and to remedy the toils and mis/ortune and that the poor Indians of the said kingdom might multiply... To His Majesty's question the author responds and speaks with his Majesty... / This gives Guaman Poma a position of power by establishing an inequality of knowledge (Philip III seeks Guaman Poma's knowledge), on the one hand, and places them in a relationship that Guaman Poma believed ta be both conventional and acceptable in the lberian world. A discursive space is in this way opened up in which Guaman Poma can legitimately speak to the other. Guaman Poma is able ta "domesticate" his discourse by casting the "extraordinary" -an 47

55 Indian subject writing to the king of Spain- 10 the "ordinary"- the language of the relaci6n. The distinctions, relaci6n and crônica/historia, were not mutually exclusive in Renaissance historiography: they represent differences of degree. Authors of the period might use relaciôn or cr6nica in the title of a work to cast it in a certain light. The Verdadera relaciôn de la conquista dei Peru (1531) of Francisco de Xerez, or the Relaciôn dei origen, descendencia, politica y gobierno de los Incas ( ) by Hernando de Santillân, use the term "relaci6n" to suggest that the y were witness to the events they discuss, that they have privileged information. In the case of the Xerez il seems a credible thing to suggest, but Santillân obviously can not make such a c1aim, since his is a pre-conquest history of the Andes. 1 am suggesting that the choice of term could be used to point to how the work should be read- as fact, or as moral retlections on history (again only in degree). Guaman Poma sets up the Nueva Cr6nica as a relaci6n with his "Pregunta Su Majestad", but in the title for his manuscript uses the term "Cr6nica".37 For Guaman Poma, the relaci6n form is used only to establish a motive to write. without carrying any of its obligations (its form is divorced of its content). In fact, Guaman Poma c1early avoids almost au of the conventions of the relaci6n- his work is a sweeping history of the world encompassing the history of the 37 "It is curious that the Andean writers, though concerned with the grand scale, were minimalists in claimlng tides [Native Andean writersj Titu eusi and Pachacuu Yamqui called the" works relaclon: Guaman Poma gave a thousand-page encyclopedic work the modest litle cronica It IS as 'f, enterlng the stage of Eu.ropean historiography, these wrlters were torn between the need to wrlle on a scaje approprlale 10 Ihe grandeur of Ihe" theme. and the need 10 Legiumale thetr wrillngs by remln4ing readers of their closeness 10 Ihe facts... (Salomon, 1982' JO). 48

56 Europeans. Africans. Jews and Moors. from the time of Adam and Eve to the present; and the history of the Andean peoples through the five mythical "ages" (previous worlds and their inhabitants) up to the I.:onquest and contemporary colonial condition. Not the kind of topic that!'uggests a relaci6n (his work is clearly a cr6nica in the sense, that its motive is moral didactics). For Guaman Poma the conventional usages of the relaciôn are subjugated by the larger didactic goals of the text. He makes it clear that his work is not simply for informing the king of the state of affairs ln the colonies. In the "Presentacion". in which he introduces himself and his work, he declares the higher goals of the Nueva Cr6nica as: "Santfsima Trinidad, Dios Padre, Dios Hijo, Dios Espiritu Sonto... me dé su gracia para escribir y nüîar büenos ejemplos para que eilos tomen todos los cristianos y siembren y planten para que echen buena fruta y simiente para el servicio de Dios Nuestro senor, y de 10 mato [os pecadores se enmienden y enfrenen su lengua y corazan y su anima y conciencia... ([/3/ 4)" [... Holiest of Trinities, Our Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost... you gave your grace to write and record good examples so that the Christians might follow them and sow and plant that they bear good fruit and seed for the service of God Our Lord. so that the bad might be delivered from evil and hold their tongue and hearts and their soul and their conscience... / The recording of conditions and life in colonial Peru are to be presented as "good examples" (or bad, as we shah see) that Christians may follow. Moreover. while the work may be in the service of the king, he gives it a much higher mandate when he claims that God 49

57 "ordered" the writing of the Nueva Cronica. His illustration (plate 4 [141 Il) depicts a shaft of light with a dove (or Hawk- "Guaman") bearing the message of God to the author's family. The caption below reads "Como Dios ordené la dicha historia primer cronica" [How God ordered the said history primer cr6nica From the outset Guaman Poma establishes an inversion of power in which the King asks Guaman Poma for information and advice on ruling Peru. He empties the relaci6n of ils original meaning and uses it as a forum where he can press for reform in Peru. The role as devoted and reliable informant to the king is reinforced when he notes that "... unos le informan mentira y otros verdades... " L sorne inform you with lies and others with the truth] ([976] 338). It becomes the task of Guaman Poma as confidant to the king to set matters straight with regard to the state of affairs in Peru. The decline of the Indian population One of Guaman Poma's greatest concerns was the declining Indian population in Peru. The native populations of the Americas were decimated by European diseases, which initially wiped out perhaps as much as two thirds of the population and continued in intermittent epidemics throughout the colonial period. Peru had a very high population density, and like Mexico, was an area where European disease easily spread from urban centres through close contact with the native population. Guaman Poma's principle concem 38 This image is immediately preceded by an illustration of God resting his hands on the heads of Adam and Eve with the caption "Crio Dios al Mundo" [God created the World). The proximity was perhaps intended 10 reinforce the divine ongin of the Nueva Cr6nica. 50

58 however. is not the effect of di~ease on the population. but the graduai replacement of Indians with mestizos, the mixed Spanish and Indian population which was growing rapidly in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. Guaman Poma sees in the growing mestizaje evidence of the cultural and social disintegration of the Andean people. This is the first issue Guaman Poma addresses in his mock relaci6n with the words: "Responde el autor... sobre el servicio de Dios Nuestro Senor y sobre el servicio de Vuestra Corona Real y aumento y bien de los indios de este reino... ({976] 338)" {The author responds... for the service of Our Lord God and for the service of Your Royal Crown and for the augmentation and well-being of the Indians of this kingdom). He goes on to have the king ask him why the Indians are declining In Spanish Peru when under the Inca they had prospered? Guaman Poma is able to set up a comparison between Inca and Spanish rule and point out the failings of the latter. Guaman Poma cleverly points out to the king that the crown agents in Peru are corrupt, which is attributable in part to the absence of a king in Peru.3 9 In contrast, under the Inca the IO tireless" ruler ensured the success of his people. 39 Guaman Poma is perhaps exerclsmg good decorum and caution by suggesting that the king is unaware. while living far away in Castille. of the corruption carried on by his representatives in Peru, and thus not culpable for the injustices. 5 1

59 en este tiempo / of tlze Incaj era solo el Inga re.\' aunque habia duques, condes, marqueses y senores grandes principales. pero vi'da el la le. v y mandamiento de los ingas, y como tenia un re)' servian descansadamente en este reino y multiplicaban y tenian hacienda y de corner. hljos. mujeres suyas." ({976j 338) / ln this ll1ne / of the Incal t!tere was one Inca king, chough there were also dll.kes, COll.nts, marqueses and grand lords, but they lived under the law and order of the Incas, and as they }zad a tireless king serving them they multiplied and had lands and enough to eat, chi/dren, and thelr own womenj Guaman Poma goes on to explain precisely what the problem is: the Indians are decreasing because the Spanish colonists are taking their women. " no multiplica porque todo 10 mejor de las mujeres y doncellas 10 tomen los padres doctrinantes, encomendros, corregidores y espanoles, mayordomos, 'enientes, oficiales, criados de eilos y ansi hay tantos mesticillos y mesticiilas en este remo. " (f976) 338) [... (The Indians) don't multiply because the best of the women and virgins are taken by the priests, encomenderos, Magistrates and Spaniards, mayordomos, tenientes, officiais, and their offspring and because of this there are so many mestizos in this kingdom} Guaman Poma turns the issue around by reminding the king that his power cornes from the Indians, and il is in his best interest to protect them. " porque se acuerde que Castilla es Cas tilla por los indios, el seren(simo emperador y rey que Dios 52

60 tlene el la glona fue poderoso par los indios de este reino, y su padre de Vuestra Majestad también fue monarca con gran poderio y potestad sonado por los indios de este reino... " (f / 34/). f... you will remember I~hat Castille is Castille because of the 1 ndians, the serene emperor and king WhlCh Cod has in his glory was power fui because of the Indians of this kingdom, and Your Majesty's father was also a monarch with much power and dominions thanks to the Indians of this kingdom.. J Cr6nica This is an example of how Guarnan Poma moves from the level of the relaciôn (the "true" account of e:vents) to the Cr6nica, where the author draws out the lessons of history for the reader. In this case it is the author's intention to challenge the very basis of the Spanish claim to Peru. ln the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the relacion represented one of two dominant modes of historical discourse. The cronica, or chronicle, a term used intercha:rlgeably with historia, was intended to elaborate and reflect upon the JraW material of history as recorded 10 the relaci6nes (Adorno. 1986: 8). It allowed for the Renaissance author to seek the moral forces and lessons of history, and its purpose was as much moral didactics as objective accounts of events. 40 Descriptions of the conquest and accounts of colonial Peru were shown to reveal the unde~lying forces that move history 40 Ideally. the relacion. cr6nica and historia represenl degrees from empirical accounls to philosophical interpretntions of events. 53

61 ------~----- "where critical explanation and interpretation go hand in hand wlth and often dominate narrative of fact (MacCormack, 1985:.t23)". For instance. the Spanish conquest of Peru, the relative ease and success of the Spanish in usurping the Inca. which had been recorded in first-hand accounts, became, by the end of the sixteenth century. part of such attempts to extricate the (moral) forces of history. It could be seen by the apologists of conque st and the so-called "Black Legend" writers as either affirming the noble or contemptible nature of Spain and her favour with God. For the apologists such as Francisco Lapez de Gomara the Spanish victory in the New World was a victory for God, and an extension of the Reconquista. "God desired 10 diseover the Indies in your /Charles Vi time and through your vassals, so as to convert them to his ho/y Jaw, as is said by many wise and Christian men. The conquest of the Indians began when thal of the M Dors was completed, so that Spaniards might a/ways be fighting against infide/s (G6mara in MacCormack, 1985: 424)." Bartolomé de Las Casas. more than any other writer of the period, took il upon himself to expose the fallacy of such an argument. He was as close to a relativist as his day would permit when in his Apologetiea Historiea, he asserted the Indians were equal to Christians (they had souls, and under God ail men are equal) and, prior to the conquest, had come to a knowledge of God through naturaj reason (Pagden, 1991: ). Their practices of worship were simply the erroneous expression of a true love of God, which was not evidence of their inferiority, as it had been for other 54

62 European writers. but the one place where Europeans could benefit the Indians with their knowledge and Christian instruction. 41 Guaman Poma was aware of this polemic, and when he tells us that there was no conquest of Peru- that the Inca "ambassador" welcomed Pjzarro and recognized the authority of God- he is countering the idea of the "Just War", the view that the conquest and subsequent subjugation was a necessary means of bringing God to the "infidels", as Gômara put il. The conversion of the Indians became the official reason for implementing some of Spain's more abusive institutions in Peru; the most notorious being encomienda. Guaman Poma asserts throughout the Nueva Crônica that the Spanish forces were welcomed and not resisted, and this becomes central to his arguments for the abolition of encomienda and labour and commodity tribute. If the Indians were Christians before the conquest as he (and Las Casas) asserts, then the premiss of the Just War is as false as the moral claims Spain has to Peru. 42 "... sino que de buena voluntad se dio de paz a la corona real sin alzamiento, como los primeros infantes y seiiores principes y principales grandes de este reino fueron al puerto de Tumbes a la sauda de los cristianos, mensajeros dei Rey catouco emperador don Carlos, se presento ante ellos el mayor senor, segunda persona dei Rey Inga, Capac Apo don Mar({n Guaman Malique de Ayala [Guaman Poma's [ather}... De manera [os cuatro partes de estas reinos se fueron a darse de paz y a besar los 41 On Las Casas' often bestowed reputation as "comparative ethnologist" and cultural relativist see Todorov, 1987: and Pagden The Spanish justification of conquest for bringing God to the Indians is echoed in the followmg centuries by other imperial powers in the idea of the "white man's burden" (bringing them "civilization"). 55

63 -~ -- -~ pies }' manos del Rey Nuestro Senor emperador don Carlos.. y as{, no tenemos encomendero ni conquistador sino que somos de la corona real de su majestad, servicio de Dios y de su corona (f564] 421)". [... rather out of good will he surrendered peacefully to the royal crown withou/ resistance, like the first princes and Lor[ls and governors of this kingdom. he went to the port of Tumbes at the landing of the Chris/ians, messengers of the CathoUc king don Carlos, and he, second person of the Inca, Cdpac Apo [powerfuil Lord] don Martin Guaman Mallque de Ayala [Guaman Poma's father l, presented himself before them ln this way the four parts 1 suyus] of this kingdom went in peace and kissed the feet and hands of our king and emperor don Carlos. and thus, we have neither encomenderos nor conquerors rather we are vassals of of the Royal crown of your Majesty, in the service of God and the crown.] Thus he can argue: "Los dichos encomenderos no se puede llamarse encomenderos de indios ni conquistadores por derecho de justicia, porque no fue conquistador de los indios ([564 J 421)". [The said encomenderos can not cali Ihemselves encomenderos of Indians no conquerers by law, becausc they did nol conquer the Indians.) Consideraciônes In his chapter titled "Consideraciones", for instance, he asks the king to consider, among other things, the errors of l-rancisco de Toledo; a viceroy that no doubt received the king's praise and favour for putting down the rebellion of Tupac Amaru and eradicating the 56

64 Taqui Ongoy movement. In~tead, Guaman Poma advises the king to "consider" that Toledo is ambitious and arrogant, and rose above his rank and jurisdiction when he put to death a "king". the last Inca Tupac Amaru. GU<1man Poma warns the Spaniards... "No querdis ser soberbioso cristiano, considerando cômo don Francisco de Toledo que sentenci6 a degollar al rey infante Topa Amaro Inga, que no pudo segun derecho de justlcia... ahora considera que aquél senor don Francisco de Toledo visorrey que quiso ser mas rey.. ([ ] )" / Do not be su ch arrogant Chris/ians, consider how don Francisco de Toledo sentenced and beheaded the prince and king Inca Topa Amaru, when he had no right according to law.. and now consider how tha! Lord don Francisco de Toledo wanled 10 be more of a king... } The relaci6n was a highly conventionalized place where crown agents did engage in a kind of dialogue with their king. Guaman Poma IS able to accomplish two things with his sham relaci6n. He is able to create for himself a discursive space in which to speak to the king. and moreover, one that he presumed would be legitimate in the eyes of the reader, Philip III. It also provides Guaman Poma with a ch2 nce to reverse the relations of power by putting (loaded) questions of his choice in the king's mouth and then responding to them as an adviser and expert (it is the king seeking Guaman Poma's expertise anà knowledge). We should remember that the author's underlying motive In writing was to bring about change in Peru. Il is clear that Guaman Poma viewed the collision of Spanish and lndian worlds as a catastrophe. 57

65 He feared that the epidemics of disease. labour abuses and the growing mestizo population wcluld wipe out his people. He also held the belief, based on ail his observations. that nothing good could come out of contact with Spaniards. His appeal for reform. then. is directed to the one agency capable of heeding his entreaties- the king of Spain. Legitimation of Voice: Inventing a Personal History The framing of the Nueva Cr6nica in the guise of a relaci6n (at least in part) opens up a legitimate form of discourse for Guaman Poma. but does not establish Guaman Poma as legitimate speaker of this form. But Guaman Poma is able to represent himself so that. at least in his understandirg of lberian culture. he legitimizes his voice. He accomplishes this primarily through the invention of a personal and family history. It is important to note that his invented history draws on the European tradition of his masters and the indigenous tradition. As one who communicates across cultures he must not only appear to the king as a legitimate speaker. but also represent the legitimate voice of the Andean people whose grievances he intends to articulate in the Nueva Cr6nica. For Guaman Poma it is important to establish his voice as credible in both worlds. He is able to do this in the following ways: (i) through the invention of a European heraldic representation of himself, (ii) by placing himself within the framework of European social categories as "Prince" (Principe), (iii) by representing himself as "second person of the Inca", (iv) and through the pseudonym he gives himself. Guaman Poma. 58

66 The repre4ientation of self We have already seen how Guaman Poma derives sorne of his credibility and legiumacy on episternelogical grounds by clairning to have personally observed the events that rnake up his people's history. He gives first-hand accounts and collects testirno.1y from those who witnessed the events when possible, and even when he couldn't possibly have witnessed the events he nonetheless assumes the posture of one who did with his omniscient third person narrative voice. 43 He gives mythical narratives on the Incas, such as the "history" of the twelve Incas, the cast of historical discourse. 44 His fictional dialogues take the tone of transcribed conversations (his "dialogue" with the king in the "Pregunta Su Majestdad"). Heraldic Representations There are seventeen illustrations in the Nueva Crônica which depict coats of arrns. Most of them are fanciful creations by the author, such as the one Guaman Poma uses to introduce the chapter on the Incas which depicts the sun ntuai (Inti rayrni), moon ntual (Coya raymi), a radiant sun and the sacred bu rial place of the Inca al Pacaritambo arranged in a quadripartite shield (plate 5 [79] 56). The coats of arms 43 ln Guaman Poma's lime there was a second generation of writel's. most of whom had never been to the Americas. tuming out cr6nicas and historias of the Americas that were based on the earlier works of first-hand witnesses. Having been lo America bccame a criteria for credibility among chroniclers and histonans. After hls 70 years in America. Las Casas could say that his history of the Indies was the most aulhoritative ("... there is no man alive. except mysclf, who can relate them [the events] as they oeeurred and with sueh detail.") (1971' 9). 44 Sorne of the Incas pnor to Pachacuti Inca are mythical. others historieal. but Guaman Poma treats themall as historical figures. Sec Rowe. 1967; Zuidcma

67 are clearly European in style even if the referents are not. Ali the invenled or fictional coats of arms are used to represent individuals from the Andean world,',l5 ln the text the coats of arms are used to introduce chapters on new topies (plate 5 [ plate 9 [ plate 10 [511] 380) or to introduce important individuals such as the captains of the Inca who are depicted with their fictional eoats of arms (plate Il [165] 119, plate 12 [167] 120, plate 13 [169] 121, plate 14 [171] 122) or to represent the king or his soldiers (plate 23, plate 8 [371] 268, plate 15 [410] 299, plate 16 [ , plate 17 [430] 314, plate 18 [544] 416). The Pope is also depicted with a coat of arms in the title folio (plate 23). It is clear from the illustrations that Guaman Poma believes the use of the coats of arms is reserved for important people- in the Spanish world only the Pope and king are given them. In his illustrations of conquest the Spanish soldiers are shown carrylog the King's shield on their staff in baule, leuing us know they represent the Spanish monarch's army. The Andean lords which are given coats of arms are ail of the upper Inca nobility, inc1uding Guaman Poma's grandfather the "segunda persona dei Inga", Câpae Apo Guamân Chaua Chinchay Suyo, from whom the author daims his Inca nobility. Of the fifteen "captains" of the Inca, only four are depicted with coats of arms, and the se are the Inca's representatives of the four quarters of Tawantinsuyu (the Inca Em{:-ire). They represent the totality of the 4S A possible exception is the curious coat of arms which depicts an pair of mountains over a castle on a horizontally bisected shield. bordered with a motif of severed beads (plate 6 [?] 401), Perhaps it refers to the superiority of the Andean world (which Guaman Poma always depicts with mountains) over the Spanish world. See also (plate 7 [42J 34). 60

68 Empire, and in Guaman Poma's view the legitimate leaders in the absence of the Inca (1/75) 54-55). These four are given the special prestige of representing the Inca in their su yu (quarter) as "second person".46 We have seen how his father carried the title of "second pers on " and Cupac Apo, and was given the role of representative of the Inca when he met Pizarro at Tumbes. 47 The title "Capac Apo" is usually rendered in Spanish as "prince" by the author ("câpac apo, que es Principe... [/5) 6) or sometimes as "king" ("Capac Apo quiere decir rey... " (/84] 60). The Andean "princes", among whom he counts his family, are ail of the "caste and royal blood of this kingdom" ([752, 754] 154). If the Inca line died with the last legitimate ruling Inca, Huascar, letting power pass to the Kings of Spain, the blood line of the older dynasties, the "princes" did not. 48 And like their Spanish equivalents, these Andean "princes" are represented with coats of arms. 46 See the illustration (plate 19 [364 J 262) in which Guaman Poma depicts the Inca (fictive?) circled by the four suyu representatives, which Guaman Poma terms ConseJo Real de este reino ("Royal council of this kingdom"). The term no doubt refers to the Spamsh monarch's Consejo Real de Indias, the principle body of pohcy consultants for the court. Significantly, the next sequential illustration (plate: 20 [366J 263) replicates the posture of the Inca and council, bul depicts the aulhor collecting testimony for his boùk from the "ancients". The illustrations point to an analogous relationship between kings and council and the author as volce of the Andean people. 47 The title Capac Aro is translated as "Powerful Lord" by Adorno (1986). Guaman Poma himself is not always consistent with the spanish glosses he gives us. Usually he translates il as "principe" (prince) when he is trying to emphasize thelr comensurabllity to Spanish government, or as "segunda persona dei Inga" (second person of the Inca) to underscore their important role wilhin pre-conquest Inca society. For example, his father meets the Spanish at Tumbes as a "segunda persona dei Inga". but acter the conquest he is usually given lhe tille of "Prmcipe" (a lille the aulhor himself takes on). 48 Guaman Poma. In facl, took up in court lhe issue of his hereditary Yarovilca right to rule (Guillén GUillén. 1969). 61

69 Guaman Poma contrives the se coats of arms from the totemic meanings of Quechua names. The warriors of previous Andean ages took on the form of their animal namesakes il\ battle. according to Guaman Poma, and for this reason their descendants today are named after the se animais. For example, his grandfather's coat of arms, identical to his own. is composed of a hawk and lion arranged on a shield (see plate Il [165] 119). This is an obvious reference to his name "Guaman" [waman] or "hawk" and Poma (pumal or "lion". which he notes is the most esteemed name ("... el mas estimado nombre de senor fue Poma. Guaman... [/64] 48). He also tells us that the Guaman (hawk) is the king of the birds, and the Poma (puma) is the king of the animais ([1117] 435).49 Along with his fictional coat of arms, Guaman Poma inserts himself into the categories of European nobility with the title "Principe" (Prince). It is in this capacity that he is able to legitimately address the king in the Nueva Cr6nica. The reason why the author feels compelled to establish a European identity for himself as "prince" IS revealed in the passages in the Nueva Cr6nica that discuss the rules of propriety for addressing a social superior. We know from his descriptions that few individuals in Inca society could address the 49 The author's name might have been chosen to validate his clalm as the VOlce of his people. The sigmficance of his na me must be undcrstood in ilght of the opposition between hanan and hurin (upper and lower worlds) ln Quechua cosmology. the hawk (waman) IS associated wllh the upp\!r world (hanan). the day. air and masculinity. Il IS the diurnal incamallon of the sun (Inti). The puma is associated with the lower world (hurin), the mght, water, and femininity. The puma is the sun's noctumal avatar th21t presides over the lower world. The name "Guaman Poma" expresses the idea of "wholeness" or "totality" by uoiting hanan and hurin, and was perhaps intended to sigmfy the totality of the Andean people he believed he spoke for. On Andean cosmology and the Quechua symbolic arder see for example Gow, 1978; Isbell 1987; and Urton

70 Inca directly ([ ). LooklOg at the Inca was punishable by death except for the few, and these could only approach the Inca in submission, carrying token burdens on their backs. The Inca ruler was both human and a god, and as a child of the sun (Inti) he was a divine incarnation on earth ("Primero dijo que era su padre el sol y ~u madre la luna..." [80] 58 [First he said that his father was the sun and his mother the moon].) The Capac Apos were among the privileged few who could address the Inca. It seems that Guaman Poma extends the same rules of discourse to the Spanish king, who filling the place of the fallen Inca, can only be addressed by a prince ([752] 154), His concern with propriety and Iegitimacy IS revealed in his sharp criticism for the breaching of these rules. He remarks that Iow-bom Spaniards put on "airs" when the y get to Peru, calling themselves "doctor" and "Iicenciado", and in this way they pretend to be something they are not ([951] 320, [993] 349). In one of his ironie illustrations (plate 21 [597] 24), Guaman Poma depicts a priest, who apparently puts on such "airs" that no one will talk to him. The caption reads "FantaSias, senor absoluto. licenciado. Padre, no hay quien le habla. ni indios ni indias" ["Fantasies. absolute lord. licentiate. Father. no one will talk to him. not even Indians"] See also his cnllclsms of SpaOlards who fail to make distinctions between noble and common Indians 10 thelr treatment of them ([582) 27), The erosion of traditional prestige under the Spamsh is a great concem fur the author, ln the confusion followmg the conquest Il was sometimes possible for Indians to falsify thelr station ln order to Improve their lot ln colonial society. He gives the example of don Juan Capcha. a tributary Indian who received a grant of encomienda in the liny ("tiene quatro indios") village of Santa Maria Magdalena de Uruysa. after managing 10 pass himself off as an Andean Lord ("senor apo") ([791) plate 22 (776) 182), 63

71 As "principe" he has the prerogative and legitimacy to address the king. As we shah see. the more important meaning of his assumed title of "principe" is the authority he believes it gives him and his descendants to rule an autonomous Peru. The author's dual Identity as Andean lord/european "prince". and his relation vis-a-vis the Spanish world IS articulated clearly in the title illustration of the Nueva Cronica (plate 23 [1] 3). This illustration stands out as one of the most potent expressions of the author's political vision for a reformed Peru. The tiue folio The coyer of the handwritten manuscript has an illustrated title page depicting the author. the Spanish monarch and the Pope. In the centre of the page and under the hand-written title are three coats of arms aligned in a vertical column. The top coat represents the Pope with the motif of the crossed keys under the Papal crown ("Have dei cielo, llave dei infierno" [/4] 6). Below the Pope is the Spanish king represented with a coat of arms containing the emblems of Castille and Leon (a castle and lion) in a quadripartite design, capped with the royal crown. Below the Spanish king we find the author's invented coat of arms- the hawk and lion (waman puma), which we know to be a simple iconic gloss of his name. Il is the same one we saw associated with his grandfather Câpac Apo Guamân Chaua Chinchay Suyo, the "segunda persona dei Inga". The author uses this coat to represent himself and his lineage. The vertical arrangement seems to suggest a hierarchy and relation of power in which the Pope is supreme, presiding over the king, who 64

72 presides over the Andean kingdom. It would be erroneous to assume, however, that Guaman Poma operated with the same conventions for expresslog relations between signs. Adorno (1986: 95-99) notes that the author is consistent In the composition and organization of his drawingli, and faithful to the Andean organization of space. The Hanan - Hurin division separates the Papal sign and the authors sign as the two important elements in the drawing, diminishing the importance of the Spanish king as a medlation between these two positions. This interpretation is also consistent with the author's written text. Guaman Poma proposes an autonomous Peru within a Christian world made up of the four independent "kingdoms" of Spain, Africa, the Moors (Turquia) and the Indies ([963] 330). These Christian states wou Id have political autonomy but in spiritual matters they wou Id look to Rome (and Spain) as the Christian centre. We find this idea articulated in the tide folio with the use of the floor-tile motif to create distinct cultural and political spaces. We find the author kneeling in front of his own coat of arms with his hat at his feet. Above him is the mirror image of the Spanish monarch, kneeling, crown at feet. in front of his own coat of arms. He does not share the same fjoor space as the Andean prince. The use of two floor spaces, however artistically awkward, separates the author and his Andean kingdom from the Papacy; the Spanish king is oddly outside of the floor motif. Both Guaman Poma and the Spanish king are 65

73 depicted kneeling without their crowns in deference to the higher authority of the Pope. the head of the Christian world.5 l The human figures in the drawing present the clearest text depicting the author's view of the ideal political and social relations between the Andean people, king and Pope. We find at the top left the figure of a seated Pope designated with the staff. papal crown and the words underneath him: "Su Sanctidad" (Your Holiness). To the right of the Pope. but not on the same floor (the tile motif ends) we find the image of the kneeling Spanish monarch representing the king of Spain. He is kneeling in front of the symbol of both his reign and state (unified Spain). What is important here IS that Guaman Poma sets up a relationship of king and kingdom with his use of visual space that is then mirrored directly below to portray himself as ruler of the Indian world. Below the kneeling Spanish subject is a representation of the author in the dress of a Spanish courtier. The absolute symmetry of the pairs of figures makes it certain that Guaman Poma is depicting himself in the position of ruler of the Indian world. The "princliness" of the author is u'lderscored by the presence of the (European) seal bearing the author's initiais "FGP" and the tille "prindpe". The seal is adjacent to the author's coat of arms and on the same floor space. SI Il seems unlikely that Guaman Poma knew about the Reformation in Europe, at least his manuscript doesn't reveal a knowledge of these events in Europe. The Spanish colonies were deeply entrenched in the efiorts of the counter Reformation. whose influence can be round throughout the Nueva Cr6nica (see Lopez-Barah. 1979; 1988: ). 66

74 This representation does not only establish the similitude of the two "kings" but it domesticates the image of a native Andean ruler by casting him in what Guaman Poma believed to be the European image of a prince. In the Nueva Cr6nica Guaman Poma elaborates a complex set of rules concerning the use of Spanish dress by Indians. ln his scheme the higher the male Indian's rank in Andean society, the more articles of Spanish dre:ss permitted. Indian women in colonial society, however, continue to use the traditional dress associated with their Andean sm::iai positions, and with the exception of the rosary there are almost no changes or European introductions to their dress. 52 "Qué bien parece cada und a su traje, el cacique principal coma cacique principal, el indio como indio y la principala como sdiora, y la india como india, vestidos para que sean. conocidos y respetados y honrados.. de manera que dijerencie de los indios y aparezca coma cacique principal y sôior de la tierra ({BOl} /92)" {How well each suits liis costume, the principal cacique as principal cacique, the Indian as Indian, the Lady principal as Lady, and the Indian woman as Indian woman, dressed that they might be recognized and respected and honoured... so that they be distinguished Jrom the Indians and appear as principal caciques and Lords of the land.1 S 2 The series of illustrations ([73'9-761] pp ) depicting the different social ranks in Peruvian society ~Ierve as a catalogue for the appropriatc uses of clolhing. 67

75 The use of Spanish dress by lowly Indians is scorned by the ~luthor in the same way that he criticises ail Spaniards or Indians who try to nse above their social positions through deception. " ningun indio traiga barbas sino su natural; y el dicho espa,wl sin barbas que parecerâ pula v,eja cara de una mascara, el espa,wl le honra las barbas. y si tuviera cabel/os coma indio pareciera salvaje animal bruto. su verdadero traje de espaiiol vestido y barbudo y mutilado es honra en el mundo... ({ 801/ 192)".53 [... no Indian wears a beard, but wears hls natural face; and the said Spaniard wllhout a beard seems to wear an old whore of a mask. the Spaniard honours beards, and if he had the hair of an 1 ndian, he should appear a brutish wild animal, the Spaniard's real costume and beard and fickle ways is to the world honour.. / The author is establishing a correspondence between the Andean rulers and the Spanish rulers, however different their worlds are, which is expressed in the shared use of clothes. A clear example of this is found in the depiction of the native "principe" don Melchor Carlos Inga (plate 24 [739] 153) who is portrayed as a bearded Andean in full Spanish courtier dress (he also lacks the straight, shoulder-iength hair that is used to designate Indians). ft is one of the only ex amples of a bearded Indian that is not derogatory. The caption below the drawing tells us that the legitimate Andean 53 Note in the example we have already seen of the ambitious don Juan Capcha. the tributary Indian who received a grant of encomienda after prelending to be an Andean Lord. that he is depicted with a beard in a derogatory way. (plate 22 [ ). 68

76 "principes" like don Melchor have the right to speak to the Spanish monarch as equals. The title folio articulates a larger relationship that includes Indians and Spaniards in a larger symbolic space. Why does Guaman Poma choose to represent himself with European signs as the ruler of the Indian world (the Spanish monogram and title "prince")? Since his intention is t~ speak to the king of Spain, it is clear that he would represent himself with a marker of power understood by, and legitimate in the world of the Spanish. But here Guaman Poma is doing more than addressing the king in his own terms- there is also the realization of a larger political relationship at work here. We know its Guaman Po ma's intention ta propose a new world order made up of four "kingdoms" presided over by the Spanish monarch/ Pope at the centre. Such a world conforms to the Andean principle of the four quarters (exactly the model of Tawantinsuyu, the Inca empire, and the model of ail Andean communities, even today). The meaning of the tille folio is made explicit only much later in the text. The drawings, in almost ail cases, introduce ideas that are taken up later in the text, often is a softened form. In the author's chapter "Capitula Primera de Consideraciônes" (First Chapter of Considerations), he asks the king to reinstate an Andean king to rule the Indies. He proposes a new world order in which the Spanish monarchl Pope, as "monarco dei mundo" would oversee the independent kingdoms of the Indies. the Moors, the Africans and the Christians (Europe). " Para el gobierno dei mundo y defensa de nuestra Santa Fe Cat6lica, servicio de Dios, el primera 69

77 ofre:co un hijo mio, principe de este reino, nieto y bisnieto de Topa Inga Yupanqui. el décimo re)' gran sabio, el que pu:o ordenan:as, ha de tener en esa corte el principe para memoria y grande:a dei mundo; el segundo un principe dei re,v de Guinea, negro; el tercero, del rey de los cristianos de Roma () de otra re)' dei mundo; el quarto, el re,v de los moros de Cran Turco, los quatro coronados con su cetro y tu::ones. En media de estos quatro partes dei mundo estara la majestad y monarca dei mundo, rey don Felipe que DIOS le guarde, de la alta corona representa monarca dei mundo, y los dichos cuatro reyes sus coronas bajas iguales; y cuando saliere a pie Su Majestad monarca, salgan a pie, y SI sale a caballo salgan a caballo con sus palios, en la mano derecha el rey cristwno, detras el rey moro, en la mana izqulrda el rey de Las Indias, detras el rey de Guinea, negro;... porque el rey es rey de su jurisdicciôn.. " ([963] 330). {For the governing of the world and the defence of our holy Catholic Faith, in the service of God, first 1 offer one of my sons, prince of this kingdom, grandson and great-grandson of Inca Topa Yupanqui, the tenth grand king knew, he who gave o rders, we must have ln thls court the prince, for the memory and greatness of thls world; the second, a prince of the king of Guinea, a negro; the third, of the kings of the Christians of Rome or of any other king of the world; the fourth, the king of the Moors of Grand Turkey, the four crowned ones with their sceptres and tuzones Among lhese four parts of the world will be placed His Mal est y the world monarch, king Philip, God proteet him, and the high crown shall represent the world monarch, and the said four kings WIll have the" lower but equal erowns; and when His Majesty the world monarch goes on foot so shall the four kings, and when he goes out on horse sa shail they, and on the right side shall be the Christian king, and behind, the king of the Moors, and on the left side the king of the Indies, and behind the king of Guinea, a negro;... because a king is king of his jurisdiction... / 70

78 "Stolen Language" Guaman Pom's use of different popular discursive forms must be ~een as part of his strategy to communicate with a Spanish audience. His need to find appropriate forms for his messages has him address his hi')(ory as a Ietter. use sermons to engage in political debates. present his peoples mythical past as empirical reality with the cr6nica, interject biographies of fictive and real people into his historical narrative, offer advice in imaginary dialogues with the Spanish monarch. and issue threats against the Spanish in the form of catechisms. He found a voice for his grievances ln the popular literature of Spanish Peru. and it is not without irony that his radical critique of Spanish rule in Peru was expressed in the conventions of colonial discoursl!- in the sermons and catechisms used to convert the Indians to Catholicism. the relacion and cr6nica that justified Spain's daim to Peru. and in the very symbols of power. the heraldic codes used to represent rulers, into which he weaved his own place into the fabric of global politics. 7 1

79 In this chapter 1 will look at Guaman Poma's model of time and space and how he applies them in the Nueva Cr6nica to the histories of the Spanish and Andean people. We have seen how Guaman Poma incorporates first the "language" (codes) of the Spanish in his effort to legitimize his discourse, and then inserts himself into the Spanish symbolic order with his Hispa.llicized representations of self. These lwo worlds are made commensurate and in this way he can "domesticate" the Andean world for his Spanish audience. Similarly. Guaman Poma attempts to wed Andean and European history to a common historical model. His model cornes from both the Andean and European traditions. The five-age mythical model of Andean lime is given a ehronological sense that could only have come from his encounter with the European historiographie al tradition. The Bible provides links between the Andean and Spanish worlds by 72

80 introducîng corre~pondences in both worlds: the Indians are the descendants of Adam and Eve. "Spaniards" as it were, who were proselytized by the wandering apostle Saint 8artholomew in the lime of the Inca (plate 44 [92] 66). We know that Europeans sought to make sense of the New World and its inhabitants with analogies and metaphors drawn from the European experience- most notably the Bible and the secular Greco Roman classical Iiterature (Pagden, 1991: 148). Las Casas cou Id correlate Andean gods and myths with 8iblical tradition so that Viracocha, the Andean creator god, became evidence of the Indian people'\) knowledge of the true God; and the Inca sun god, Inti, evidence ot the Christian spirit among the Andean people n.1accormack, 1991: ). If God created man, and ail humanity came from Adam and Eve, then how did humanity reach the Andes? ln Europe. Biblical explanations of the origin of Andean humanity suggested, among other explanations, that the Indians were one of the lost tribes of Israel. \Vhether or not Guaman Poma was aware of these attempts by Europeans to make sense of the new peoples and cultures of the Americas with the analogies and metaphors of European culture- and it is likely that he was- he nonetheless engages in precisely the same activity himself. 54 Guaman Poma does 54 Given the popularity of the topie wi th Spanish writers lt ls very likely that Guaman Poma was aware of these efforts to explain Andean origins (See MaeCorrnack. 1991a: 50-63). Guaman Poma states: "Olros qu,eren dec" que los tndios salieron de la casta de judfos, parecieran como ellos barbudos. zarcos y rubws como espanoles. tuvieran la ley de Muyzén y si fut'ran de la casta de los turcos 0 moros lambién fueran barbudos y tuv,eran la ley de Mahoma; y otros dijeron que los indios eran salvajes ammalcs ([/60 J 46)". 73

81 this with his model of history. He takes two unconnected peoples. the Andean and the Spanish before 1492, and reconciles them to a common and universal model of historical and cultural development. Naturally, the Andean people extended metaphors from their own culture to interpret the intruding Spanish world. casting the unfamiliar in the familiar. Guaman Poma gives us sorne of the examples of the sense made of the Spanish conquistadores by the Andean people in the early years of the conquest. The Spanish were believed to "talk to books", be "covered with wool" (their beards), "never sleep" (Spanish soldiers kept sentinels at night) and their horses "walk on lightening" (iron shoes making sparks). Guaman Poma perhaps more than anyone else was particularly aware of the differences between his people and the invading Spanish. He captures their mutual incomprehensibilty poignantly III an illustration depicting a fanciful meeting between the Inca Huayna Capac and an unnamed Spanish conquistador in Cuzco (plate 25 [369J 267).55 The Inca is passing golden artifacts to the Spaniard and asking him in Quechua "Do you eat this gold?"; the Spaniard responds in Spanish "Yes we eat this gold". Significantly, this illustration is used by the author to introduce his chapter on the conquest. The!"Others like ta say that the Indans descended from the Jews, that like them they appeared bearded, blue-eyed and blond like the Spamards, and they had Moses' laws and If they were descendenls of the Turks chey would also be bearded and have the Law of Mohamed; and slill others say litai lhe Indtans were wild animais" J By "others" we may assume he is refernng to European writers who speculated on the origins of Andean humanity. 55 Huayna Capac, who was the last Inca to rule an undivided empire, d.ed before the arrivai of the Spanish. 74

82 incompatibility of the Indian and Spanish worlds was such that Guaman Poma ultimately propo~es keeping them separate. Searching for models His models for historical and cultural development come from varied sources, both Andean and European in origin. Like his Spanish contemporaries, he turns to the Bible for explanations for the origins of Andean humanity. Guaman Poma was a devout Catholic and Iikely viewed the Bible as a literai account of early Christian history.56 However, Guaman Poma grew up with the oral traditions of the Quechua- his encounter with European literature came later in lifeand as we see throughout the Nueva Cr6nica, his Quechua culture bec ornes the fiiter that sifts through the European literary culture he encounters. This is especially evident ln the sense of lime and space that underlie the Nueva Cr6nica. In the first instance, his historical model, Guaman Poma weds the Andean and European worlds to a common Christian history, and by inserting the Andean people into the 8iblical tradition he effects a kind of "domestication" of his people for his Spanish audience. In the second, his mode) oî space, which cornes from his Andean tradition, becomes the map he uses to chart the relations between Spanish and Indian worlds. The most striking peculiarity of Guaman Pomals history of the Old and New Worlds is how they are made to mirror each other. In 56 ln the sixteenth and seventeelllh centuries the Bible was commonly cited in such "sclenufic" and hlstoncal matters. For instance. the Irish theologian Jarnr-s Ussher ( ) placed the date of Creation al 4004 B.C. a figure denved from following Blblical chronologies. and long accepted in leamed clrcles in Europe. 75

83 Guaman Poma's scheme of world history there are three discrete times ta which he gives a history: the European world from creation ta the conquest; the Andean world from creation ta the conquest; and the new temporal space opened up with the conquel\t where Andean and European "time" converge. This third "time", which represents the uniting of the Andean and Spanish worlds through the conquest, is given the most attention in the Nueva Cronica. We have already seen how Guaman Poma obscures the epislemological difference between history he knew empirically (or from "witnesses"), such as the events of the colonial period, and the remote (mythical) events which he could not have known. The language of his history does not reflect the se differences, which is consistent with his desire ta offer archetypes over fact. S7 What we find is that the mythical and historie al are presented as the same. Each of these three "times" is organized according to the Andean fi ve-age model of ume. The mythical beginnings of Andean and European humanity in Quechua mythology and the Old Testament receive the same historical treatment by the author as the conquest history which he lived through. This IS because ihe author brings an altogether different sense of time to the European historiography of his day. The rive-age model of history Guaman Poma operates with competing notions of time: the "historical", as he understood European historiography. and a sense of 57 COll1lJdre for example the language used to describe the "age" of Adam and Eve and the language used In the Buen Gobiemo to describe colonial Iife in his day. HIs third-person omniscient narrative voice leaves his epistemology obscured and his authority indisputable. 76

84 lime that is essentially statie, In which the history of the world is divided into five cycles or "ages" which end in cataclysm. This sense of time cornes from the mythology of his Quechua tradition (see Lopez-Baralt, 1979; Zuidema, 1982). ln Inca mythology there have been four "ages" or worlds before the present one, each of which ended in a cataclysm, or pachacuti. The rerm "pachacuti" cornes from the Quechua pacha, or "world". "earth", and cut;, or "reversai": the "world turned upside-down" ("el mundo al rrevés") as Guaman Poma's repeats throughout the Nueva Cr6nica. Each new worid ernerges from the cataclysm in a finished state and remains unchanged until the next cataclysm: each "age" is a cycle of statie time. These "ages" are not sequential in the sense of differentiated limes thal follow each other; rather each "age" is said to go underground, where it continues ta exert an influence on the lives of people. "The past is always alive and part of the present; the future exists and lived long ago. Thus their vision of history is both cyclical... and cumulative in that the previous stage [age} has not been destroyed but only driven underground, where it continues to exert a powerful influence through its frequent surfacings inlo everyday life... " (Gow, 1978: 201). This sense of lime manifests itself in the many millenarian beliefs of the Andes. One of the most striking, and which dates from the time at which Guaman Poma lived, concems the last Inca, Tupac Amaru, who after surrendering ta Viceroy Toledo in 1572, was beheaded by Spanish soldiers in Cuzco ([451] 283). The Quechua Indians in the Cuzco region continue ta believe that Tupac Amaru's head is growing 77

85 a new body. and when completed. he will emerge l'rom the earth lo reconquer the Andes from the Spanish. It is this essentially synchronie view of time that Guaman Poma takes to European historiography (Salomon. 1982). Hence. for Guaman Poma. it is not inconsistent to have people who never met or even Iived during the same period put together in his history. It is as if he looks for archetypes to confirm moral "truths", regardless of historical fidelity. We have seen how his father becomes a hero in his history of the conquest, how the Spanish were welcomed at Tumbes without resistance; ail in an effort to underline how the Indians have been faithful to the Spanish crown and God. Similarly, the very idea of Eurupean conquest is expressed in his chimerical depiction (plate 26 [373] 270) of Columbus' ship on its v0yage to the Indies with Columbus, Juan Diaz de Solis, Martin Fernandez Encisco. and Vasco Nuiiez de Balboa. 58 The mythical structure of five ages persists even today among contemporary Quechua Indians. In Pinchimuro, a small Quechua village in the southern Pei uvian Andes, time is ordered in five ages: the age of Nawpaj Machulas (or giants); the age of the Incas; the age of the conquest (in other communities it is often referred to as,he age of "sickness"); the age of the ancestors (those in living memory); and the present age (Gow, 1978). Similarly, in the community of Sonqo in southern Peru, time is divided in five ages, each ending in a Pachacuti. The conquest, which ended the age of the Inca is described 58 Ail of whom came to different pans of the New World on different ships and al tjifferent limes. 78

86 in Sonqo mythology as "a time of reversais... the basic relationships, between parents and children. and humans and animais. is reversed" (Allen, 1984: 166). We find in the Nueva Cr6nica that Guaman Poma uses the sa me model of mythical time and attempts to reconcile European and Andean history in a scheme of five ages beginning with creation. He leads with the five-age history of the Christian world. setting the pattern for the Andean world which he depicts as following an equally "civilized" path. The Christian world is divided into (1) the age of Adam and Eve ([/23] 21); (2) the age of Noah and the Flood ([/25J 24); (3) the age of Ahraham ([127] 24); (4) the age of David ([/29] 26); and (5) the age of Christ. Similarly the Andean world is given a five-age scheme: (l) the age of Uari Uiracocha Runa ([/49] 39); (2) the age of Uari Runa ([/54] 42); (3) the age of Purun Runa ([/58] 44); (4) the age of Auca Runa «(l64j 48); and (5) the age of Inca Runa ([/801 57). In these ages the author describes the cultural, technical and spiritual development of Andean and Christian humanity from their remote origins to the eve of the conquest. Christian World Andean World 1) Adam and Eve 1) Uari Uiracocha Runa 2) Noah and the Flood 2) Uari Runa 3) Abraham 3) Purun Runa 4) David 4) Auca Runa 5) Christ 5) Inca 79

87 ln the age of Adam and Eve there is music ('organo y vigüela"), metallurgy and spinning. they li ved in small cabins ("cabanas"), The world is populated by the descendants of these first humans, who are punished by God with the Flood (pachacuti) after they lose their knowledge of God ("... estos no conociô al criador y hacedor de los hombres, y ansî de esta mandô Dios fuese castigo con las aguas dei diluvio..." [/23] 21), ln the first Andean age, Uari Uiracocha Runa, Guaman Poma informs us that the first Andean people were the descendants of Adam and Eve, "Spaniards", brought by God to Peru ".., primer generacion de indios dei multiplico de los dichos espanoles que trajo Dios a este reino de las Indias... " [/49 J 39 J. [... first generaatioll of Indians sired jrom Spaniards brought by God to this kingdom of the Indies... J Their name U iracocha Runa cornes frorn the name of the creator god "Yiracocha". the name the Quechua Indians applied to ail foreigners in Peru in Guaman Poma's time,59 They worshipped God with the liule rnemory they had of hirn. These fitst Runa had little technical 59" le Ilaman en comûn al casrellano extranjero, judio. moro. lurco. ingus y francés. que lodo son espaiioles U tracochas ([ / J 8 J 86)" [". ail Spanish forelgners ln general. the Jews. Moors. Turks. Engllsh and French. they cali themall Spamsh Viracochas" 1 Perhaps becausi: likc Viracocha the foreigners are associated with the sea and the underworld. Hurin. The association is seen in his illustration of the eighth Inca. Viracocha Inca. depicts a man with a small beard (plate 27 [ ), He is described as "gentil hombre blanco de cuerpo y rostro y tenfa unas pacas barbas ([/ )" 80

88 skill: they clothed themselves with the leaves of trees. lived in caves. but had agnculture like their ~ncestors, Adam and Eve. They had knowledge of the true God, acc:ording to Guaman Poma, and wor~hippcd God with prayer, but over time they were left with just a remembrance of God (lia seed"). There was no idolatry or worship of the huacas (liacred things or places) among them. This age also ended with the cataclysm of the flood. The illustrations of Adam and Eve (plate 28 [22] 20) and the first Runa (plate 29 [48] 38) emphasize the equivalence of these first people. The author creates minor images of the first man and woman in each world. dressed in fur and leaves. and breaking the soil with the traditional Andean shovel. The first Runa are depicted with the features of Europeans. a vestigial beard and curly hair (always associated with Spaniards), which betray their ethnie origins. ln the second Christian age, which begins with the subsiding of the flood, the world is again renewed and Noah and his children repopulate the earth. It is in this age, according to Guaman Poma, that the harbingers of corrup'~ion- money and wine- are invented.60 Noah gels drunk on the wine made from his vines ("Noé sali6 dei arca y plant6 vina y de ello hizo vina y bebiô dei dicho vino, y se emborrach6... fi [/25] 24]). Again he reminds us that the Indies were populated by Old Testament ac:tors: Adam and Eve or perhaps the children of Noah: "... de estos dichos hijos de Noé une de ellos trajo 60 Alcoho! and money figure in most of the drpictions of corruption in his illustrations of colonial society. The corrupting effects of Spanish society on the Indians is primarily depicted with Indian drunkenness, laziness. the exchange of money and the use of Spanish c10thing (oslentatious displays). 8 1

89 Dios a las Indias, Olros dicen que sali6 dei mismo Adan... " 1/ ["... from the said children of Noah one of them brought God to the Indies, others say that they descended from Adam himself"). The beginnings of immorality and strife in the Christian world are registered in the loss of linguistic unit y ("... por mandado de Dios tuvieron de diferentes lenguajes, que antes tuvieron una..." 1/ [by God's command there were clifferent languages, wheras before there was only one We alslb see the making of the first "idols" of Christ ("... comenzo los primeros idolos dei rey Nino... " [/ ), and the practice of circumcision. 61 The second Andean age (Uari Runa) is marked by cultural and technical development. They begin to work with stone, building tittte houses resembling ovens ("parecen horno"), dig wells for water, cure animal skins, and continue the practice of agriculture. But unlike their Christian counterparts, they live with law and order, respecting their fathers and mothers, following the Christian law set out in the Bible ("... tenian todo la ley de los mandamientos y la buena obra de rnisercordia de Dios..." [/56] 44). They had no idols. but worshipped the Christian God, though by now the y have just a shadow of their origin knowledge of God. This is portrayed in an illustration depicting a Vari Runa man, now without a beard but still with wavy hair, praying to God with the words "Pachacâmac maypincanqui" ("God where are you?") white his wife looks on from within the stone hut. In one of his attempts at assimilating Andean gods to Christian 61 One can only assume by "rey Nino" he means Jesus, though in his scheme this period is chronologically situated long before the binh of Christ. Again, this is evidence of the Andean notion of time in which It is not inconsistent for the future 10 surface in the pasto or vice-versa. 82

90 tradition Guaman Poma claims that their knowledge of God, however relnote from its origins in the first age, included a comprehension of the Trinit y: "Tenian los IndlOs antiguos conoclmlentos de que hahia un solo Dios, tres personas, de estas dedan asi que el padre era justiciero, yayan runa muchochic, el hljo caritivo, churin runa cuyapayac, el menor hijo que daba y aumentaba salud y daba de comer, y envlaba agua dei cielo para darnos a camer y sustento, sulcachurin causayuc micoyoc runapcillin ninpac.. " (f/55 J 44). 1 The Indians had ancient knowledge of the existence of one God, three persans, of whom they said that the Father was the dispensor of justice, yayan runa muchochlc, the healing son, churin runa cuyapayac. the youngest son who gave of himself and gave health and gave food, and sent rain fron the sky to give us food and sustenance, sulcachurin causayuc micoyoc runapcillin ninpac... J The third Christian age, the age of Abraham, sees the rise of the MooTs, who Guaman Poma claims to be the descendants of Abraham's son, Ismael. The accompanying illustration (plate 42 [26] 23) shows Abraham holding a r:lïsed knife, sacrificing his son for God. 1 suspect that Guaman Poma is responding here to the man y accounts written by Spaniards that dwelt on the exotic and infamous practices of human sacrifice in America, most notably among the Aztec, with the image of this Christian example. The third Andean age sees a continuation of cultural and technical development over the previous ages. The Andean people multiply and spread throughout the Andes ("como la arena dei mar" [/58] 45). The traits of Andean civilization appear in this age: the first Andean 83

91 kings and nobles ("... y alzaron reyes y senores y capitanes '" le llamron câpac apo... como proseguian de buena sangre..." l/58j 44). spinning and weaving of fine clothes. the working of gold. silver, copper and lead. fine stone masonry houses with thatched roofs, roads, and law and order ("habia justicia ~ntre ellos y habia ordenaza y ley..." [/58] 45). Guaman Poma depicts this age. as the previous Andean ones, as harmonious and impossibly utopian: "... entre ellos andaban muy mucha caridad y por eso comfan en publica plaza y bailaban y cantaban... " ([/58] 45) [ltthere was much love and affection between them and for this reason they took their meals in the public plaza and danced and sang... "]. Like in the previous Andean ages they worshipped the true God with what memory the y had of him ("con la poca sombra adoran al criador" ([/58] 45). There was no idolatry, witchcraft (hechicerias), ceremonies or huaca worship. They had no adultery or prostitution among women, who married as virgins al age thirty.62 In the fourth Christian age, the age of David, there were many kings and lords who ruled. In his brief description he notes only that this age is marked by greed: they set out in search of go Id and silver, bringing greed and evil ioto the world ("". y salieron a buscar oro y plata y comenzaron a saitearse con la codicia de la riqueza de jar on 10 bueno entraron a 10 malo dei mundo." [/29J 26) ["and they set out to 62 His history IS didactic and here he is setting up a contrast between precolonial and co!-:- niai urnes. For Guaman Poma one of the principle signs of the decay of Andean culture and morality in colonial Peru is prostitution and intercourse betwcen Indian women and Spaniards (mestizaje). See plate 43 [503]

92 get gold and \Jlycr and they started to steal with a greed for wealth and they abandoned what is good and let eyil into the world"]. The age of the Aucaruna, the fourth Andean age is an important one for the author. It is in this age that his family rose ta praminence as the dyna~tic leaders af the Yarayilca. Ali the hallmarks of Andean civilization appear, save a few such as communications (tambas) and road netwarks which he attributes ta the Incas of the next age. 63 Like the previous Andean age the y lived with law and order and had no crime. They practiced charity among themselves and cared for the poor and needy. These institutions af charity, which were often admired, usually reluctantly, by Spanish historians of the period, are attributed to the Aucaruna age in Guaman Pama's scheme. 64 ".. los indios usaban de misericordia, y por ellos comian en la plaza publica. porque se allegasen pobres peregrinos. extranjeros, huérfanos. enfermas. y los que no tenian que comer; todos com{an bien y la sobra se la llevaban los pobres. Ninguna Naclon ha tenido esta costumbre y obra de mlsericordia en todo ei mundo como los indios de este reino santa cosa." ([/66J 49). [... the lndians showed mercy, and they ate in the public square. for there came dezitute pilgrims, strangers, orphans. the sick. and lhose who had nothing to eat; ail ale weil and took with them the 63 Consistent with his argument that the Inca are interlopers and newcomers in the long tradition of Andean civilization, the author is quick to point out how Ihls age surpassed Ilself ln the ans of civilization. 64 ft has becn weil documented that the Inca had superb institutions of produclion and dlstnbutlon to guarantee the welfare of the people through state grananes. IrrigatIOn projccts and other public works. The Inca empire has often becn romanticizcd as a soclalist utopian state (see for example Louis Saudm's "L'Empire Soclalist des (nka" reference (1928». 85

93 leftovers ln tlze entlre world. no nutlor! has had this custom and wor/... of mere.\' ll~e the Indùms of this king dom / However, Guaman Poma also tells us that this was a lime of military conquest, when powerful "princes" ("principes") waged tïerce battles and conquered neighboring kingdoms. "De coma mandahan y eran ml(v helicosos mdws. y bravos guerreros y fuertes, cada uno de el/os se embestian coma leones,' y Sl le mataban al contrario le sacaban el corazon y la com{an de puro bravos y fuertes, guerreros J' capuanes" ([/66/ 49) 65 [ And how they commanded and were very belligerent Indians, and brave and strong warriors, each one of them became like a lion; and if they killed their oponellt, they eut out his heart and ate il, like the brave and strong warrivrs and captams that they were.] Like in the earlier Andean ages, the Aucaruna worshipped the Christian God and had no idolatry. "De coma no ten{an huacas, (dolas, ni adoraban a las piedras ni al sol, ni a la Luna, 111 a Las estrellas, ni tenian templa cubierta. las reyes de aquel tiempa fueron crlstianos, temieron a Dios y a su justicia... " f173] 53). 65 Conquesl per se is not viewed negatively by the author, except ln the case of the Spamsh in Peru who have no nght to be there. He even goes 50 far ln sorne instances as 10 suggest the Spanish "hberated" the Andean people from the Inca. His ami-inca sentiment does not anse 50 much from the fact that th'y conquered the Andes (and the Yarovilcan people) just before the Spanish conquest. but from thelr practicing and spreading of Idolatry and sun worship, which he claims began wllh the Inca. 86

94 [ Suzce tlzey Izad no hlülctls, 1 LI(J Is, 110,. dld tlzn' worslllp stones nor the SIlI!, nor the moon, ni;" tlze stars, nor dut the\' /zlh'e a covereci temple. the kings of thls tlfne.. vere Cll'ïstians, tlze)' feared Cod and his jusllce. 1 We know that Guaman Poma makes his principal daim to Andean nobility (and the right to govern Peru in the post-inca era) based on his family's prominence as rulers of Yarovilca in this age, During the expansion of the Inca these former "absolute masters of their kingdom" ([/751 54) yielded to the Inca, becoming the regional leaders of the unified empire under the Inca ""' pero éste tenia mas alta corona antes que fuese Inga y después fue temido dei Inga, y as( fue segunda persona dei dicho inga "(f /75/ 54 J, f.. but this one had a higher crawn belore becoming Inca and was later feared by the Inca, and sa became the second person of the said Inca./ The fifth Christian age is marked by the birth of Christ- an event that for the author transcends and bridges the discrete histories of the Andean and Christian worlds. This is a significant event for both the Andean and Christian people. Up to this point in the author's narrative the sections on Andean and Christian history are maintained distinct, but the arrivai of Christ breaks into the narratives of both. In his chapter on the fifth age Christi:ln world. he notes that this event occurs during the reign of the second Inca Sinchi Roca. the first instance where the author correlates the chronologies of both worlds. We find in his chapter on the Inca, the fifth Andean age, that the image of the birth of Christ (plate ] 87

95 64) ili inserted Into the chapter, interrupting a sequence of drawings dcpicting the Incas. The birth of Chri:,t ~urfaces in the Andean world ali abruptly as it does into the flow of the author's narrative. In this chapter on the Inca he also notes that Saint Bartholomew came to Pcru to preach the teachings of Christ to the lndians ([/93] 67-68). The determining and culminating evenl of the fifth Christian age, however, is the discovery and conquest of America, which brings the Andean and Christian worlds together. Guaman Poma remarks that in this age the news of the New World and ail its riches is made known and Spain begins the conquest of Peru. "en tiempo de éste se publico el reino de las Indias, de como era tierra de riquezas, de oro y plata, y que ha!j{a unos camellos chicos.. en tiempo de éste fue la conquista de las Indias... " ([/32/ 28) dunng thls time il became widely known that the kingdom of the Indies was a land of riches, of go/d and silver, and that there were!iule camels (/lamas)... and in this time occured the conquest of the Indies... / The fifth Andean age corresponds to the time of the Inca, whom the author takes great effort to describe as heretical interlopers in the long Christian tradition of the Andes. While he admires many of their social and cultural achievements, they are described as illegitimate rulers who usurped the older lebitimate ruling dynasties such as his own. Il is in this age that the Andean people momentarily fall from grace and the true path of God, according to Guaman Poma. Il is the 88

96 Inca who introduee idolatry to the Andes. bb Guaman Poma tells us that the Inea's c1aim of deseent from the sun and moon is merely to rnask the illegitimate beginnings of the first Inca. Manco C.ipae. who was a bastard son ([/811 58). His mother. Mama Uaco. on the other hand. was well-known. and it is she who is eharged with introducing idolatry to the Andean people. first in Cuzco. from where it spread with the expanding Inc~ empire throughout the Andes. ".. y asi esta dicha senora f Marna Vaco} fue la primera inventora de las guacas. idolos y hechicerias. encantamientos. y con el/a les enraii6 a los dichos indios.. primero fueron engaiiados Ilos} dei Cuzco y traia engafzados y sujetos como los indios 10 viesen como cosa de milagro que una mujer hablase con piedras y penas y cerros; y as( fue obedecida y servida esta dicha senora Marna Vaco y as( le llamaron Coya y reina dei Cuzco." (f/8lj 58). 1". and so the said lady (Marna V aco) was the first to invent huacas, idols and witchcraft, spe/ls. and with these she deceived the said Indians; first those of Cuzco were deceived and then she deceived the rest; and since the lndians saw thls as Cl miracle that a woman should speak wilh stones and boulders and mountain peaks; and so the lady was obeyed and served, and they called her Coya and Queen of Cuzco.} His illustration (plate 31 [279] 196) depicts Inca sorcery with images of European devils conjured up by the Inca sorcerers (tlhechiceros"). 66 An absurd notion since the Inca themselves took on the gods of the people they conquercd. along with their own sun dcity Inti. to fonn thcir state religion. Pachacamac for example. was given almost the same reverence by the Inca as Inti. dispite his pre-inca origins. Guaman Poma gives the gods of earlier Andean ages a Christi an quality, but stresses the forelgnncss of Inca religion to his readers. 89

97 The Inca are the only Andean people to fall from grace and be visiicd by pe~tilence. He tells us that Gad "punished" the Inca for thci r idolatry. "Pestilencla que envwba Dios en el tien,po de los In~as, y en este tiempo tamblén envi6 Dios su custiro, y en el tœmpo dei Inga llovia fuego y asol6 el pueblo de Cacha de Collao, J' liover arena reventar el volcan de Putina, y asolar la cu.idad de Arequipa, con todo su comarca y lérmino pe:-:ilencia de sarampion y vlrguelas muy grandfsimas en tiempo de Guayna-Cdpac Inga se muri6 mucha gente, y el Inga dicen que se habla metido en una cueva de piedra de miedo de la pestilencia y de la muerte y alll dentro se murin, temblor de tlerra, morir mucha gente con el/a, y en tiempo dei Inga no /lover diez anos, en tiempo de Pachacutl Inga de los siele anos de hambre de Egipto, y en este tlempo dicer, que reven/ahan las piedras y coma se helan las comidas y caer granizos sobre las comidas, y pestilencia de gusanos que destruyen las comldas en las sementeras, y den/ra de casa poul/as; pestilencia de los pdjaros y de perdices, de los papagayos, gritos, chiuillos, y/os venados y zorrillas y zorras, toda esta pestilencia ha habido en tiempo dei Inga y en este tiempo castig6 Dias." ([288} 203). 67 {And Gad sent pestilence in this time of the Inca, and in this time he also sent his punishment, and in this time it rained fire and waste was laid to the village of the Cacha de Callo, and Il rained sand from the exploding Putina 'llo/cano, and the city of Arequipa was razed, wlth ail its environs, and the epidemics of measles and mumps, and in the time of Gayna Capac inca many people perished, and they said that the inca, out of fear of the pestilence 67 Note the name of the ninth Inca. Pachacuti Inca. which is associatcd with the punishment from God. 90

98 ami of cieath. l\'{,lll IlllO a t'(l"e of.,lol/l'. llnd died thercln. and tllere WclS Cl tremhllllg o} tlze Eartlz. and man,\' more,fled. al/d Il dui Ilot rul1l for (en years. and in the lime of" rlze pllc!z,lcwi there was the seven-year janw.e 11l Egypt. LInd 1: wus Sùld tha! al this lime the stones hurs( jion! (he moluzlaln,md there was hall of stones. and cl pestilence of worms that destr(}~'ed food ('rops. LInd mslde }/Ouses there were maths. ùnd a pes(z/ence of hlrds and of partridges, of parrots, chwil/os, llnd of the dar and faxes. al! this pestilence look place witlzin the rime of the Inca and in this lime Cod sent IllS punishment,1 Similarly. the Inca are associated with incest: Manco Capac marries his mother and starts the tradition of brother-sister marnage among Inca rulers. In another 8iblical homology, Marna Uaco is cast in the raie of Eve. holding out the tempting fruits of evil, and s "'ducing the Andean people with her displays of sorcery. (Original) sin enters the world with women in both the Cnristian and Andean worlds. Inca illegitimacy is further underlined when Guarnan Poma notes that Manco Capac. and ail the Inca, were strangers to the region from where they governed ([182] 60). and were "common Indians" "...indios pobres y gente baja, ni son caballeros sind pecheros... " (f/84 J (0) f"... poor Indians and common people, they are not gentlemen, but pretentious Here Guaman Poma may be simply following the Inca's ongan myth which has the first Incas emerge from an Island on Lake Titicaca and travel to the Urubamba Valley where they seule and begm inca civillzatlon. Crisl6bal de Molina ([1575) 1910) reçorded dlfferent versions of Inca ongin myths JUSI after lhe conquesl which confirm thls vlew (see also Dahlberg. 1972). Guaman Poma laler rcfers to a version of this Inca ongm myth ([184) 60). Lingulsuc and other data seem to Sl' 'port thls explanallon of Inca ongins. 9 1

99 The good Andean people, long-ume fc,liowers of the true God, per\evere through thi'l time, and wnh the lifting of Inca rule In Peru by the Spanish conquest, they are set free to once again resume the truc path ta God. There IS a curious passage in which Guaman Poma relate~ a miracle that he claims occurred when Manco Capac tried to 'let t'ire to a temple that had been consecrated as a Christian place of worship. Manco Capac, the idolater, couldn't burn the temple of the Christian people (plate 32 [400J 292, [ ). The triumph of God over the Inca is revealed, and 1 he Andean people are once again free to follow the true path (and therle is no further need for the Spanish). History, for the Europeans of the Renaissance and for the neophyte author, was a place where "the great drama of sin.md redemption" IS unfolded (Salomon, 1982: 9). Guaman Poma gives thl:: Andean people, whose faith overcomes tremendous odds, ra exemplary Christian history, and suggests the Spanish have fallen from gn1ce- their history is one of progressive spiritual decline from the Dld Testament to their current state of corruption which he describes in intransigcnt detait in the Buen Goblerno. Even if Guaman Poma's sense of time is essentially statie and synchronous, Andean history, like Spanish, is rooted in the same underlying teleology- the constant move toward human salvation. On one level bridging the cultural barrier between Andean and Spanish worlds with biblical and mytho-historical model,; serves the author's goal of domesticating the Andean people for his royal readet. Up to the conquest the Andean and Spanish people may have constituted two distinct worlds, but these worlds were, in Guaman Poma's scheme. patterned by the same forces of 92

100 hlstory: Creation. cultural. '!'liihual.md rechnlcal dcvclopmcnt (or lack of in, and transcending events like the birth of Christ (and St. Bartholomew's proselytizing of the Indians),69 Cha Il en gin g the "J us t \Va r " The author!.ises his people's (fabricated) Christian h ;ritage to challenge one of the fundamental philosophical justifications of the Spanish conquest: the so-called "Just War", As we noted earlier. the Reconquista set the pattern for subsequent conquests of new peoples by the~ Spanish. af;d in this case as weil ihe stakes in the "Holy War" wcre the souls of the heretics and new lands to exploit. We can begin to understand Guaman Poma's concern to domesticate the Andean people for his Spanish readers when we note how the Spanish tied to their supposed spiritual poverty the notion ')f cultural inferiority. One doesn't have to read very far into any of the colonial documents to see the Eurocentrism operating. and ev en those who defended the Indians such as Las Casas essentially viewed them as having veered from the path to God/civilization. As one of the principle supporters of the Just War, the influentiai theologian and writer Juan Ginés de Sepulveda argued in 1550 that the conquest of the lndians was for their own benefit and above ail for the greater glory of God: We find in Peru's other great indigeneous writer of the period. Titu Cusi YupanquI. a simlar attempt to "domesticate" the Andean people for hls European readers, His lengthy desctlption of the military conque st of Peru reduces the actions of both sides to a common, symetrical history. glvlng Inca and Spanish a eommon repetoire of actions in their interactions wllh each other (Titu CUSI Yupanqui (1570)), 70 ln he presented thls argument at Valladolid during the famous debale with Las Casas on the intellectual and splfltual capacily of the Indians, This lengthy debate. which lasted days. had considerable mfluence on how the Spauish crown was to direct its colonial polie)' with regard to the Indians, 93

101 \lich wars ma)'!je undertaken by a ver.\' (IVIII:ed mulon aralnst anclvlll:ed people who are more barharous than can be lmagmed, for they are ahsolute(v iacklng ln any knowledge of letters, do not know the use of money, generally go about naked The proljf of thelr sa\!age Ilfe, simllar to that of heasts, ma,v he seen ln the execrable and prodiglous saertfir'es of huf"lan vietlms ta thelr devlis, lt may a/so he seen ln the eating of human flesh, thelr!jlmal alive of the living widows of Important persons The protection of innocent persons from such injurious aets maya/one give us the n'glu, already granted by God and nature, to wage war agaznst these harbarians to submit them to Spanish rule" (Sepulveda in Hanke, 1974: 86) Guaman Poma is flatly rejecting Spain's claim as evangelizers 111 Peru: if the Andean people are the descendants of Adam and Eve (or Noah's children set down in Peru) and share a common, albeit faded, knowledge of God, then Spain has no right to subjugate the Indians in the name of conversion to the faith. The story of Biblical migration to the Andes becomes a defence of their Christianity, and thus their rights as Christian subjects of the Spanish crown. Moreover, as a people who were brought to Peru by God ([/49] 39), their right to sovereignty cornes from divine, or "natural law". Opposition to encomienda and slavery came from within Spanish intellectual circles such as the Dominican order, of which Las Casas was a member. 71 Guaman Poma praises the Dominican order in one of the few examples of praise he has for European clergy ([660] 80). Guaman Po ma uses the same arguments that the Dominicans used to 71 The argument for Andean sovereignty based on "natural law", that the Indians had a rigtlt to govern themselves in their own lands. was taken up by Las Casas in hls PranclplO. with which Guaman Poma was familiar. 94

102 ft defend the politlcal autonomy of the Indi:lns. calling for the,lbolltllln of tribute and slavery in Peru claimmg the Indians \Vere bapllsed Christians and "servants" of god and king. Sirmlarly. the Spanish have no legal or moral nght to Indian labour. according to Guaman Poma. because the Indians are not slaves: " las dlchas tierras son suyas df' poseslôn desde que Dios hl:o el mundo. no puede pa~ar el tnbwn de la chtieara nt de haciendas. cada lino ha de conoeer todo 10 que es suyo y la dicha tasa debajo de eonsciencta no se puede!lamar tributo ni tasa camayo a los mdios porque no son esclavos par muchas razones: el pnmero, fue descendido de hijos de Adan, Eva, y blanco, y tu\'o ley de cristiano, aunque le hizo que errase con la idolatria dei Inga... " ([90l} ). [... since God created the Earth, one's lands are his own posession, and one can not pay tribule from his field or farm; each must know what is his own; and in all good conscience one can not demand tnbute from the Indtans because they are not slaves. for many reasons the first, that they are descended from Adam and Eve, and are white, and they had Christwn law. although they were led into error by the ido/atry of the Inca.] He also reminds the Spanish monarch of how the Indians submitted to the authority of the king and God a t Tumbes when Pizarro was welcomed. Perhaps he is also challenging the founding of Spanish rule under the Requerimiento law of 1514, which gave Spaniards the right to use force and enslave the Indians only if they resisted the authority of the King. This text of this law, which was r~ad in Spanish aloud to the Indians preceeded battles against Indians. Since, in Guaman Poma's history, the lndians recognize the authority of the 95

103 Spanl... h crown al Tumhe... lhey ':.hould not have been, accordlng to Spanl':.h law, en..,laved or..,tripped of sovereignty.7 2 An even gleater effort I~ undertaken JO challenging the idea that European culture IS..,upenor. If the (ndlans wae Christians before the conquest, they werc mml ccrtainly "clvilized",73 Similar but not equal The point of making the Indian and Spanish worlds commensurate In hbtory is tw Ifold: First, Guaman Poma is above ail trying to communicate something of his world and ~'eople to the Spanish monarch, and to give :lîs people the histotical dignity denied them in the chronicles and histories written by Spaniards. Hence the adoption of codes and historical conventions undetstood by the king and Christian readers. Using European herald,'y to reptesent himself, the Inca, Andean citie~, and so on, Guaman Poma not only Tenders them intelligible to his Spanish readers, but places them withm a known order of knowledge: Guaman Poma as a "Prince" fits within the order of European nobility and constitutes a social and political entity understood by his readets, white a "Second Pers on of the Inca" or 72 The teltt of the Requcnmlento begins wllh a brief (Catholic) hlstory of humanity, and goes on to explain how the New World has become the propeny and domain of Spain, with authoruy transmiued, through Saint Peter to Popes, to lhe Monarch of Spain. Il also announces Chnst as the "master of the human Iineagc" ThiS tcxt ensured that the "Indians be informed of the situation, for they may have bccn unaware of these successive gifts which the popes and empe rors were makmg to one another (Todorov, 1984: 147)" 73 The terms "Civlhzed", and ils opposite "barbarous", are used wlth sorne frequcncy an the Nueva CroOlca, and n is likely that Guaman Poma came across these c atagories ln the lccounts of Andean history and conquest written by SpanJards 96

104 l Capac Apo mu~t remj1l1 oublje of Eurupt'.ltl c\hnprdlt.'n"i\h1 ~ 1 11\ 11\\" way Guaman Poma dome~tlcate" the \)thcr\\ I~C C\Oth.: Imagc nf tlw Andean people- and po~1 tlons himse If 10 m.th' (olllpart:-.ons hctwccll the Andean and Spant~h world~. Second. this commensurability allows for colllparison- the Andean and Spanish worlds are similar and therefore amenable to comparisons. Making the Spanish and Indian worlds conforlll to a common model makes them commensurate. Their similarity makes them comparable- the "Christianity" of the Indians can be set against the spiritual corruption of the Spanish eolonists only because they are made to share a common knowledge (and history) of God. In faet. the Anàean people past and present are offered as Christian examples for the Spanish to follow. Andean and Spanish colonial institutions such as labour tribute, charity, communie; 'IOns, and social services, which the author describes at length, are compared. The contrast between the two becomes part of his most persuasive argument for the return of Andean autonomy and the separation of 74 The few times in the text when he exclusively addresses an Andcan readership he apt>ears to retum to the person of Capac Apo. For example. In his sermon on idolatry directed to Andean women he addresscs them wlth thcir Quechua tilles. not the Spanish glosses usually used. slgnahng an Intimacy wlth the Andean destmalre (by excludmg the Spanlsh reader) and the use of the voice of C<ipac Apo (one who can legitlmatcly chastlze Andcan worncn) "Pr%go a los lectores MUjeres coya cdpac uarml, C/lraca uarml, al/lcac uarml. uaccha uarml; no os espantéls mujeres el primer pecado que acomeuo fue mujer la Eva peco con la manzana, quebro ei mandamunto de D105, y as( el primer ldôlatra comenzastes mujer y servis tes a los demonlos, todo ello es cosa de burla y mentlra, deja todo y un devoclon a la Santislma Tnnldad " (f1l44j 105) ["Prologue to the readers coya capac uarml women, curaca uarml, alllcac uarmt. uaccha uarm:. Women be nol afrald the!lfst sin was that of Elle wlth the apple who broke God's /aw, and thus you women starred the!irsl ldolalry and served the demons. bllt au thls IS mockery and decepllon. leave Il ail. women. and a'evote yourse[ves rd the Holy Trlnlty "} 97

105 Spanl\h,IlHi InUI,lll people\ Effec!mg an Inver~lon of Sepulveua's a\"crtlon of the \upenority of European culture, Guaman Poma dcllarc, that the Sp:.tnl,h are corruptl!1~ the virtue of t1' ~ Indians. los dlrjw\' e\parïole\' se enseizan los cilchos IndLOs de e \le rt!lflo malas u)\'lumbres, y no obedecen a [)/(n, ni a.\lis padres III cl SliS maâres, a los nul)'ores III a la jll\'tlc/a, ['omo 10 manda DIOS.. ([/61/,16) / the S(1jJ Spamards teach the salj Indians of this klnrdom had ways, and they don't obey Cod, or thelr farhers or molhers, the eiders or justice, as God comm(lnds 1 Andean cultural superiority is expressed in a number of ways in the Nueva Cronica. One of the most interesting ways, and one relevant to the discussion of assimllating Andean and Spanish worlds to common models, lies in Guaman Poma's organization of space. 1 will briefly look at how he articulates Andean superiority in spatial relationships before turnmg to Guaman Poma's apocalyptic vision of the conquest and the contact of Andean and Spanish peoples. Andean space The concepts of hanan and hurin are fundamental to understanding the Andean organization of physical. social and cosmological space. The Andean universe is divided into two moieties that mirror each other. Everything in the Andean wor/d has its place in one of the moieties. hanan (upper) or hurin (lower). Traditional Andean economy was organized on the principle of verticality. Ecological zones which produced different food crops, were delineated by altitude, and consequently the Andean economy 98

106 1972). Higher altitude crop" ~uch.ls tht? pot.llù,lrt?,1""lk'i,lil'd \\ \[h ranan (upper world) and figure thl? muai" a""oclated \\Ith tîli' upper world. In contrast, lower altitude crops such a" corn ~ïc associ.ltej wah the lower world and figure In hurln ntual~ and ~yl1\boli... m (A lien, 1982). Andean social space IS similarly organized wlth the concepts of han.lll and hurin. Andean commumties (Ayllus) are physlcally and symbolically dlvlded Into upper ajld lower molenes. Inhabttants recogni7e an upper and lower VIllage and ~hould marry withtn Ihclr own moiety. The admimstrative and religious functlons are carncd out in duplicate by the political-religious offices in each molety. In rituals the villagers occupy a physical and symbolic space in elther the upper or lower world, depending on their affiliation (Sec for example Gow, 1978; Isben, 1987; Bastien, 1973). We also know that the Inca Empire, Tawantinsuyu, was Itself orgamzed as a symboltc representation of the Andean uni verse; expressing the fundamental Andean concepts of a quadripartite division and upper and lower moieties. 7S The great Inca roads which converged at Cuzco blsected the empire into four parts, or "suyus". This is Guaman Poma's description of Tawantinsuyu: "Has de saber que todo el reino tenta cumro reyes, cuatro partes, Chmchaysuyo a la man!.} derecha, al poniente dei Sol.. arnba, a la montafia hacia la mar 75 Cuzco, the Inca capital, was itself a symbolic microcosm of the Andean universe and mirror of the physical layout of Tawantinsuyu (see Rowe. 1967) These same temporal and spatial notions are found in conlemporary Quechua communities such as Mismanay (Urton. 1981). 99

107 de el Norte, Andesuyo, de dande nace el sol, a la mano i:quirda, hacw Chi/e, Collasuyo, hacia la Mar dei Sur Condesuyo; estas dichos cuatro partes torno a partir a dos partes Ingas hanan Cu::co al poniente Chinchaysuyo, burin [hunn} Cu:co, al saliente dei Sol, Callasuyo, a la mano lzquierda; y as{ cae en media la cabeza y corte dei reino la gran ciudad dei Cuzco y has de saber que todo el reino esta compasado y medido de largo mtl y quinientas Leguas y de ancjio mil Leguas ([ JOOO} 353)," 1 And you should know. that this kingdom had four kings. four parts. Chinchaysuyo on the right. and toward the sunset; and above. Antesuyo, toward the mountaws. to the sea of the North, Co//asuyo. from where tlze sun rtses. ta the le!t. toward Chlle and Condesuyo, taward the Sauthern sea,' the Sald four parts were agaw divlded Inta Iwo categories, hanan Cuzco Incas toward the sun set and Chinchaysuyo, hurin Cuzco, toward the nsing sun, Collasuyo. to the left-hand side,' and so the great city of Cuzco, the head of the kingdom, falls in the centre and divides the kingdom and you shou/d know that this kingdom encompassed in length one thousand five hundred leagues, and one thousand leagues in width,/ The quadripartite division of space also carries the same values as hanan and hurin. The Chinchaysuyu and Antisuyu quarters are associated with the preferred hanan position, and the Collasuyu and Contisuyu quarters with the hurin position (lsbell, 1987). The Andean cosmos is similarly organized along the principles of hanan and hurin: the upper world is associated with Inti, masculinity, mountain deities, and the sky; and the lower world associated with the night, Qolla (the Moon deity), femininity, water and the earth (Urton, 1981; Isbell, 1987; Allen, 1982; Netherly, 1984). The terrestrial quadripartite division of space was thought to 100

108 be mirrored in the cosmos by the ~1ilky \Vay in its two zenith positions. The concepts of hanan and hurin are less categories of fixed content than a fundamental structure that is used to order physical. social and cosmological space. The new physical and social space opened up by the conquest is ordered along a universal model by Guaman Poma. just as the new temporal demension was. Guaman Poma imposes the catagories of hanan and hurin on the larger political, economic and cultural relationship between Europe and Peru, placing Europe in the subordinate, or hurin, position. Andean and Spanish Space Guaman Poma's concept of space is expressed very directly and clearly in his illustrations. These are like the blueprint of his notion of space where its features are laid bare to the eye. A striking case in point is the author's world map entitled "Mapa mundi" which depicts the (ndies in relation to other lands (plate 33 [ ). This world map is terribly inaccurate, with the Indies plaeed in center with other nations awkwardly placed around its perimeter.7 6 Even allowing for the Iimited cartographie skills of the author, it is evident that he is applying an Andean spatial ideal to the terrestrial space opened up with the arrivai of Europeans. Unlike European maps whose contours were meant to represent the actual shape of lands and waters, Guaman Poma's map expresses an archetype or ideal of how the physical (and cosmological) world is ordered. 76 This does recall. though. the medieval maps in Europe which placed the sacred city of Jerusalem or Rome in the center. 101

109 Maps of the Americas had been published with frequency since the early sixteenth century, and it is certain that Guaman Poma was familiar with the shape of the world. He knew that ships traversed great distances of water between Spain and the Indies. Yet in his scheme the world of the Spanish, Moors ("Turquia"), Indies and Africa. ail kingdoms he had previously discussed as discrete physical lands, are made to join as one landmass surrounded by water. This landmass is bisected by two Iines dividing i t into the Andean Quadripartite. At the center of the two bisecting lies Cuzco (literally, "navel Il in Quecha) which the Inca had imagined as the center of the world. Arranged around this center point are placed the coats of arms of the Pope, the King of Spain, the author (his hawk and puma coat) and a fourth unidentified shield (King of Guinea?). It is significant that the shields of the Pope and Guaman Poma are 10 the hanan, or superior, position with regard to the Spanish Monarch and the unidentified shield.1 7 Guaman Poma and the Pope are associated with chinchaysuyu and antlsuyu respectively, which are in the hanan position. The Spanish monarch is associated with collasuyu which, with contisuyu, make up the hurin position. His description of the people of Collasuyu during the time of the Inca reveals something of the meaning he is attaching, by association, to the Spanish when he places them in this position vis-a-vis the Andean people. He notes that during the time of the Inca the people of Collasuyu were thought of as strangers: "los cuales los 1Iaman mitimaes. 77 The author's very consistent use of the Andean spatial model to articulate this kind of relation between signs is discussed in Adorno

110 extranjeros de Indios ([ )" I\Ve cali them mitimaes (labourers), strangers of the Indians}, and further on: "toda la casta son gordfsimas y flojas, incapaces. pusildnimes, pero ri ca gente lldmase Colla Cdpac, rica de plata de Potosf y de oro de Carabaya... y son grandotes animales, y asf todos los hombres 0 mujeres grandotes, gordos, sebosos, flojos, beslias. solo es para comer y dormir... (f 180} /27)" 78 {... they are all fat and Lazy, Incapable, pusilanimous, but the Cola Capac were a rich people, rich from the silver of POlosi and the gold of Carabaya. And they are great animais, and thus the men and women both are big and fat, obese, beastly, lazy, and they live only to eat and sleep J Guaman Poma not only places Peru In the hanan position. but he attributes to Peru the prestige that should accompany this position. That Peru is associated with hanan (the preferred position) is confirmed, for Guaman Poma, in the toponym that the Spanish gave to the new world: "India". He believed the name "India" to be derived from "en dia" (" in the day"), a name befi lting the land of the children of the sun, the Inca. Indeed, Guaman Poma believed the name the Spanish gave to the New World implicitly recognized the superiority of the Indies: "... En este tiempo se descubri6 las Indias dei Peril y hubo nueva en todo Caslilla y Roma de como era tierra en el dfa India; mas alto grado que Ioda 78 Guaman Poma's association of the people of Collasuyu with the silver mine of PotOS! is carried over to the Spanish who are seen as deriving their wealth from this mine. Laziness. which had been a crime punishable by death under the Inca. is noted as a chief characteristic of the people of Collasuyu and the Spanish (who had very different ideas about the value of work). 103

111 Castilla y Roma y Turqu{a, y as{ fue l/amado tierra en el dia, India, tierra de rique:.a de oro plata sab{an, la tierra y la altura y la riqueza dei mulldo, que no hay otro en el mundo que haya criado Dios de tanta riqueza, porque esta an mas alto grado del sol, y as{ significa por la astrolog{a que quiso llamarse hijo dei sol y llamarse padre dei sol, y as{ con razon puede alaharse el rey de declr que es muy nco... " ([43J 35). "Estaha esta tierra en mas alto grado, ase 10 llamaron Indias... " ([370J 266). [... And in this cime the Indies of Peru wel'e discovered and in Rome and Castille there was news of this land in the day, India; higher than ail of Castille and Rome and Turkey, and was thus named land in the day, India, a land rich in gold and si/ver... they knew, the land and its highness and the wealth of this land, that there IS no greater land which God hùs endowed with such riches, because it was closer to the sun, and thus the astrologlcal meaning was that he (the Inca) could cali himself the child of the sun and call the sun hls father, and with good reason the king could be praised and it could be said of him that he was very wealthy... And this land being on a higher level, was thus called Indias J He gives a pictorial representation of this relationship that depicts Tawantinsuyu over the kingdom of Castille (plate 7 [42] 34). The pictorial space is bisected with a horizontal line which separates the two worlds of the Andean and Spanish people. Each is represented following the Andean quadripartite organization of space, with Cuzco presiding over the four quarters of the Andean world, and Castille presiding over its own four quarters. The kingdom of Castille is made to conform to the Andean model of Tawantinsuyu. The association of Peru with hanan, and consequently the sun, day, masculinity and gold, is confirmed by the vast wealth that brought 104

112 the Europeans to the Indies. ln an inversion of the kind of justification of conquest typified by Sepulveda. he notes that it is the Spanish who bene fit from the colonial relationship, and by no means the Indians,?9 This is why he is able to tell Philip III that without the Indies, with ail its gold, silver and Indian labour. the Spanish King would be "worth nothing".8 0 "Sacra Cat6lica Real Majestad, digo que en este reino se aca?arz los tndios y se hayi de acabar, desde aqui de vien te aiios no habria indios en este reino... sin los indios Vuestra MaJesdad no vale casa, porque se acuerde que Castilla es Castilla par los indios... " ([ ). 1 Your Royal Catholic Highness, 1 say that in this kingdom the Indians have ceased ta i;e and are dying out, and in twenty years there will be no Indians left in this kingdom.. And without the Indians Your Majesty is worth nothing, because you will remember that Castille is Castille because of the Indians... j 79 That he views the Spanish as a pestilence and parasite on Indian wealth is depicted clearly in a pair of illustrations (plate 45 [302] 215 and plate 46 [ ). The first illustration depicts an Inca jail, a cave filled wlth wild ammals who feed off the helpless Indians who are cast inside. The second illustration mirrors the first and depicts a poor Indian ("pobre de los Indios") in the same posture being devoured by animais. These animais representing Spanish crown officiais are Iisted by colonial titles such as corregidor. pnest. encomendero, and so on. He writes at the base of the drawing: "... estos dichos animales que no temen a Dios desuellan a los pobres indios en este reino. y no hay remedlo... [694] 120. [... the sa id animais which do not fear God devour the poor indians of this kingdom. and there is no remedy... ]. 80 ln fact, this is quite true. The silver mine at Potosi. Bolivis alone accounted for about one thlrd of Spain's wealth during the the colonial period. 105

113 The Conquest a'i Pachacuti Guaman Poma must have found affirmation of his model of time in the Biblical stories of Divine punishment. for stories such as Noah and the flood merge with the Andean concept of the pachacuti to form his radical view of cosmic catac1ysms.... habic.io olros muy muchos milagros y castigos en el ttempo dei Inga, no se escribe, sinon son los testigos la cafda de los cierros y penas derrumbadas y asf se escribe toda la suma, por eso el casttgo de Dios le llaman pachacuti --pacha-tierra-- y asl algunos reyes Jueron llamados Pachacuti, y en esta vida como he/mos vislo el reventar dei volcan y /lover Juego dei injierno y arena aso/ar una ciudad y su con"arca, y también se dice milagro dei temblor de la lierra y morir mucha gente... ([/94, /95/ 68)". f.. and there were many other mlracles and punishments, which were not recorded, but rather the Jall of the mountain boulders were witnesses, and chere were great landslides from the mountains and they were recorded thusly, for this reason God's punishment is called Pachacuti, -- pachaearth-- and thus several kings were named Pachacutt, and since in this life we have seen the exploding of the volcano and the raining of fire from heu and the sand razing a city and its environs, and the trembling of the Earth being called a miracle and many people perishing) Elsewhere he writes wh en describing the ninth Inca, Pachacuti Inca: "E hizo mucha hacienda de templos, {do los. En su tiempo de este dicho inga habla m'acha mortanza de indios y hambre y sed, y pestilencias y castigo de Dios, que no llov{o siete anos, otros dicen que diez anos, y habla tempestades; 10 mas [dei} tiempo era todo /lorar y enterrar difuntos. Y (ls( este dicho Inga 106

114 se liamo Pachacu.ti Inga. grandisimos castigos de Dios en este reino y en el mundo. el clial por el pecado idôlatra dei Inga castlgô DIOS, como Ji~e el castigo dei angel Luysber y.'le Ill:O Lucifer y de todos sus secuaces, castigo del primer hombre con las aguas dei diluvio.. (f/109j 79)" f And he made many temples, many idois. 81 ln the time of the said Inca there were many deaths among the Indians and much hunger and thirst. and pestilence and punislzment from God It did not min for seven years, others say ten, and there were storms. Most of the time was spent weeping and burying the deod. And so this said Inca was cal/ed Pachacutl Inca, grand punislzments from God in this Kingdom and in thls world, who was punished by God for sinful idolatry, punished as was the angel Luysbe, and he made himself into Lucifer with ail his followers, the punlshment of the first people in the form of deluge J The sense that Guaman Poma made of the Conquest becomes clearer when we consider the above observations. We know from his model of time that the world was divided into Cive ages, each of which ended in a cataclysm of pachacuti. The fifth Christian age which was heralded by the birth of Christ, was eoming to a close. From his notion of spaee, hanan and hurin. we know he believed the Andean world to be in the superordinate. or hanan. position; a view he articulates again and again in the text and with graphie representations. The arrivai of the Spanish and the usurping of the Inca inverted the proper order of things. In the disarray, suffering and chaos he saw around him, Guaman Poma cou Id find only one 81 Pachacuti Inca completely rebuilt the Inca capital of Cuzco into a city of tremendous grandeur during his reign. 107

115 explanation- the pachacuti to end the age was at hand. The Andean poulation had been eut by nearly two-thirds, the remaining Indians were in danger of being dissolved into the mestizo pjpulation: the Inca had fallen to the Spanish, traditional leaders were treated with comtempt by lowly Spaniards and mestizos, while low-born Spaniards passed themselves off as lords; the roads and tambos were in a state of disrepair, and poverty and hunger. which had not existed under the Inca. were to be found everywhere. The hafbinger of the pachacuti was seen in the reversai of relationships- in the inversion of hanan and hurin. Guaman Poma goes to great lengths in describing how the traditional Andean order has fallen into chaos under the Spanish. In a direct appeal to his Spanish readers ("Pr610go a los lectores espaiioles") he describes how vice and corruption attended the arrivai of the Spanish in Peru. "ves aquf en toda la ley cnstzana no he hailado que sean tan codiciosos en oro ni plata los indios, ni he hailado quien deba Clen pesos, ni mentiroso, ni jugador, ni perezoso, ni puta, ni puto, ni quitarse entre eilos, que vosotros 10 tenéis todo, inobedientes a vuestro padre y madre y prelado y rey; y si negdis a Dios 10 negdis a pie juntillo, todo 10 tenéis y 10 ensôiais a los pobres de los indios, decis, cuando desollais entre vosotros y mucho mas a los indios pobres, decfs que habéis de restituir, no veo que los restitu{a en vida ni en muerte. Parece a mf, cristiano, todos vosotros os condenais al infierno... ([369) 265)". {... see here that in Christian law 1 have not found the Indians to covet gold and si/ver so, nor have 1 found anyone owing a hundred pesos, nor any liars, nor any gamblers, nor any sloths, nor any whores nor any who lelt his companions. fou have Ü ail. 108

116 disobedlerzt towara your facher clnd mother and prelace and king.. and If )'ou. den}' God you den)' him with bou.nd feet. roll have lt al! and.vou teach the poor Indians, J'Olt say, when J'OU fla)' yourselves and fla,v the poor Indians much more, you say that you owe restitution 1 do not see restitution, nelther in life nor in death. It seems ta me, Christians, that au of yolt have ('ondemned the Indians to Hell. J We have already seen how Guaman Po ma found evidence of this in the breakdown of traditional social relationships among his people: ln low-born lndans passing themselves off as noblemen and in the abuses of colonial officials,82 Even fundamental relationships such as between parents and children are depicted as inversed as we find in his illustration of an Indian son beating his father (plate 34 [ ). The child is accused of the most Spanish of crimes: arrogance ("soberbia"), Guaman Poma frequently uses exampies of the young abusing the elderly to depict the unnatural state of things. The corrupting effect of the Spanish seems to break down the most fundamental of human relationships (see also plate 35 [886 J 278). Even today the conquest is remembered in mythology as a cosmic inversion of proper order. In the community of Sonqo in southern Peru the conquest is remembered as a pachacuti: "They describe it, in greusome detail, as a time of reversais. The basic reiationships, between parents and chi/dren, and humans and animais, are overturned, The dead morher no longer provides sustenance for the dying chi/d trying to nurse at 82 "De diez indlos los CInCO son curacas y no hay remedio ([7801 /75)" fof ()f ten Indians five are lords, and there ls no remedyj ". ahora un milayo Iiene 1(IUlo, el mundo esla perdido ([993} 349)" 1 now a common worker has a tille, the world is losil 109

117 her breast, and parents actually consume their children's bodies. Guinea pigs, domestic animais, feed on human beings The natural and social order has completely hroken down, and "chaos ls come again" (Allen, 1984 /65-/67)" We have seen how Guaman Poma ordered the Indian and Spanish worlds according tcl the five mythical "ages" or worlds, the fifth representing the age of Christ in the Spansh world and the age of the Inca in the Indian world. It is also c1ear that Guaman Poma ordered the physical and social worlds of the Spanish and Indians folowing the Andean principle of hanan and hurin. The Inca as "children of the sun" ar(: associated with the the upper world, hanan. while the Spanish. al\sociated with Viracocha. are of the lower world, hurin. It becomes clear that the conquest and colonial domination by the Spanish represent for Guaman Poma a cosmic reversai of the natural order of the cosmos. a "world turned upsidedown" or pachacuti. With the world in such astate Guaman Poma asks where are the beings who maintain order in the world. The Inca, who prior to the conquest had sat in the physicai and cosmologie al center of the world, was dead. The Spanish killed the Jast hereditary Inca and abolished the Inca court. The Inca had once maintained order by joimng the four suyus of the worid. He had mediated between the gods (Inti, his father) and the people. In this central place, Cuzco. the shape of the cosmos was maintained. In his appeal to the Spanish monarch Guaman Poma had hoped to Testore the former order. for the good of both Indians and Spaniards. 110

118 Tawantinsuyu had been dismembered.. and God had abandoned man while great atrocities are carried out under Philip IIrs nose. "Ad6nde estas Dias dei cielo? coma esta lejos el pastor y teniente verdadero de Dias el Santo Papa, ador"zde estc.is Nuestro Senor / rey Felipe?, que asi /0 pierdes tu reino y tu. haciendo servicio de tu corona real (/112/1 pg.438)". [ Where are you Gad ln Heaven?, how far is the pastor and true bearer of God, the Holy Pope. Where are you Our Lord / King Philip?, in the service of your Royal Crown, you are losing your Kingdom.. / In describing the conquest as a pachacuti he was expressing the notion of a "world reversai" in which the Spanish and Indian worlds had fallen out of the natural order. His proposed new world order with the four kingdoms of the Spaniards, Indians, Moors and Africans was a way to recover the old order that had existed before the conquest. This proposed new world was modeled on Tawantinsuyu. Guaman Poma believed that if everything could be put back in its proper place and the Spanish withdrew from Peru. the pachacuti could be averted. The end of the world Whether or not Guaman Po ma really believed the world cou Id come to a fiery end in a divine cataclysm is not what is important here. What is important is that the author used the notion of a pachacuti to frame his experience and understandjng of the conques... Such fundamental. almost unconscious, structures as hanan and hurin quadripartitjon and the five cyclical ages were used by Guaman 1 1 1

119 Poma 10 order the new world that wu., created wlth the arnval of the Spani~h. Guaman Poma may have been tamiliar with European literary culture, which the Nueva Cr6nica demonstrates, but it was to the Andean world he looked to find the metaphors, analogies and term~ to make sense of the world. This written discourse, with its apparent complicity to European culture, is subservient to the Andean structures that underly the author's understanding of the world. His desire to communicate his knowledge of the world to the Spanish monarch is what brings him to use a European media, but the message he wished to communicate was Andean. 112

120 ln this concluding chapter 1 would Iike to situate the Nueva Cr6nica within the larger context of Native resistance in Peru during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and the few indigeneous texts of his contemporaries. In the preceeding analysis 1 have suggested that the Nueva Cr6nica is a unique and unusual document. This IS certainly true, but it would be erroneous to claim th"t the ideas articulated in the Nueva Crônica were isolated and entirely Guaman Poma's alone. To a large extent he articulated the popular views of the Andean people, drawing from the substrate of Andean oral culture and mythology that provided the language with which the Andean people made sense of the arrivai of the Spanish. The Andean people extended metaphors drawing from their knowledge of the Andean world to make sense of the intruding Spanish world. What IS so exception al about the Nueva Cr6nica is not how he conceptually 1 13

121 organizes the colonial world but the media used to communicate these indigencous views of Spanish Peru. The thernes of rejection and separation of Spanish and Indian worlds that we find recurring throughout the Nueva Cr6nica are themes that arc also to be found in the popular rt!sistance movements among the Andean people of the same period. These popular indigenous expressions were attempts to recover not only land and sovereignty, but also the spiritual and cultural integrity of the Andean people This the y expressed in a "renaissance" of Andean culture, as a rejection of Spanish culture and a return to the old gods and ways. Of these popular rnovements 1 will discus:, the Vilcabamba retreat of the rebel Inca, the Taqui Ongoy revitalization movernent, and the "dance of the conquest"; ail of which date from the time Guaman Poma was writing the Nueva Cr6nica. Andean resistance In the time that Guaman Po ma lived and wrote the Nueva Cr6nica there were many forms of resistance to Spanish rule. The most notable armed rebellion was carried out by Huyna Capac's son Manco Inca. After a period of trying to cooperate with the Spanish to defend his peoples rights he abandoned diplomacy for armed resistance. This was only after the Inca suffered the humiliation of being bound and shackled in front of his subjects, urinated on in public, and seeing his wives raped by Spanish soldiers. From the secret fortified city of Vilcabamba in the densely forested mountains east of Cuzco he led a guerilla war against the Spanish. He and his brothers were able to hold out against the Spanish for 40 years ( ), and, 114

122 at one point. siege Cuzco and almost reconquer Peru. After Manco Inca's death. his son Sairi Tupac continued the fight until the Spanish pursuaded him with unkept promises of reform to relinquish his place in Vilcabamba and settle in Cuzco. His brother and succesor Titu Cusi Yupanqui was not convinced of the sincenty of the Spanish and cc ntinued the rebellion from Vilcabamba. The last leader of Vilcabamba was Tupac Amaru. a charismatic and determined leader. who was finally captured by Spanish soldiers in 1572 and brought to Cuzco to serve Spanish justice. He was tried on charges of treason and garroted in the main plaza of Cuzco in full view of his followers. The resistance of Tupac Amaru and his followers was certainly not the only armed resistance against the Spanish. Throughout most of the Andean region there were intermittent armed rebellions and acts of sabotage, especially in the early colonial period up to the end of the 16th century.83 At the frontiers of Spanish Peru they encountered Indians who refused to give up their lands and freedom. To the south, in Chile, the Spanish met with fierce resistance weil into the Eighteenth century. The Araucana Indians waged fierce wars against the encroaching Spanish. Araucana Indians on their way into battle against the Spanish would speak these lines to their spears as part of their preparations: 83 The term of Peru's Viceroy Francisco de Toledo ( ) is generally seen as marking the end of the first phase of the colonial encounter. By the end of the 16th cent. there were few indians who remernbered life before the conquest. the Spanish colonial apparatus was more firmly in place. the big rebellions such as Vilcabamba had been put down, and the population declines and post-conquest chaos had been alleviated to sorne extent. 1 15

123 " here ls m)' master; this master does not make me dl~ go/d, nor felch him food or wood for hls fire. nor guard his jlocks. nor sow, nor reap. And since this master leaves me my freedom. it is with him that 1 wlsh ta go (Gonzd/ez de Ndjera, 1889: 105)." Taqui Ongoy, the "dance of sickness" ln other important ways the colonial regime was undermined. The revitalization movements. the renaissances of native culture such as Taqui Ongoy in the 1560's in the provinces of central Peru represented a very real threat to Spanish rule. 84 This radical eschatology, which terrified the Spaniards when they discovered it. spread over a large part of Peru, from La Paz in the south up to central Peru and even to Lima on the coast. The threat it presented was taken very seriously by those in colonial office: they dispached a large force to root out and destroy the movement before it could lead to open revolution. Guaman Poma himself accompanied one Spanish visitador, Albornoz, whose task it was to uncover and punish followers. The followers of Taqui Ongoy openly rejected ail elements and artifacts of Spanish culture. Traditional Huacas (sacred places and gods) were to be openly worshipped in place of the Christian god and saints. The huacas worshipped by the Taqui Ongoy were not those of the Inca state religion, which had been largely destroyed through the efforts of the Spanish clergy and soldiers. but Pachacamac and Titicaca and the local and person~! gods of the Andean communities: the sacred mountain peaks (apus), springs, 84 There were similar revilalization movements elsewhere in the Americas suçh as the: "Ghost Dance" of the American south west or "Handsome Lake" among the Iroquios. 116

124 rocks, and other sacred objects (\1acCormack. 1991: 18:?). Articles of Spanish dress and food were avoided. and even the "stain of Laptism" was to be "washed from one's forehead" (Wachtel, 1977: 185). It was believed that the traditional Andean Huacas would regain their former power and help the Indians to recover their lands and sovereignty- and the Spanish wou Id "disappear".8 5 Vigorous worshipping and the consumption of tradional Andean foods was necessary to feed and strengthen the huacas, which had been weakened through neglect and left desicated and starving for lack of chicha and sacrificial foods (Molina, [1575] 1916). But their weakness was being overcome with renewed attention, and as they became stronger they would send out diseases to kill the Spanish.86 The huacas themselves would possess the dancers and speak through them, telling the Indians to fight the S panish and return to tradition al ways. Though Guaman Poma was not a part of this movement, except as a witness white employed as interpreter by the Spanish investigator Cristobal de Albornoz ([690] 104), and indeed he could never have proposed a return to Huaca worship, he nonetheless shares the same goals as Taqui Ongo}'. The theme of rejection so strong in Taqui Ongoy is articulated as weil in the Nueva Cr6nica. We may recall his rigid codes for Spanish and Indian dress in which Indians and Spaniards were to be kept distinct. In his scheme Indians, save those of nobility, were to follow a rigid dress 8S One ean still find these millenarian beliefs among eontempory Quechua Indians in legends such Inkarrl (Inca-Rey), a behef (hat the dead Inca will retum one day to free the Indians from the yoke of Spanish Peru (see for example Gow. 1980). 86 Il is ironie that it would be Andean diseases killing Spaniards after so many Indians had succumed to Spantsh diseases

125 code, and a breach of which was considered a sio of "arrogance" (~oberbia). The Buen Gobierno section is filled with examples of Indians and Spaniards who fail to keep their proper place, which was for Guaman Poma a sign of the disorder of the world (see for e,(ample (544J 406). This theme of rejection can al 50 be seen in Guaman Poma's loathing of the mesti:o or "mixted" population. The mestizo population, perhaps more than anything else, represented for the author the "mundo al rreves" (pachacuti), a mixing of the two discrete elements, hanan and hurin. that he felt so essential to keep distinct. 87 He had only scorn for those of mixed blood and even suggested casting out of communities women who had relations with Spanish men, willingly or unwillingly.88 He proposes to Philip III the idea of physically separating Spaniards and mestizos From the Indian population by restricting the movements and settlements of the Spanish colonists. "Que es muy Justa y servicio de Dios y de Su Majestad en este reino de que los espanoles no se pueden poblar junto con los indios en las cuidades ni en las villas, aldeas, ni vaya a morar ningun espanol, ni espafwla, ni mesrizo, ni mularo, nt zambaigo, ni cholo, si luere espanola, 0 mestiza, 0 mulata, que fuere casado con indio en este reino, que hagan los dichos espanoles sus pueblos fuera de los indios en una jornada, ya que no fuera de una we can su Ihal Ihere was a general conselisus among the Indians regarding whal a mes/izo WQS' one of the Jowest calagory of people, ijjegilimate or baslards. For Guaman Poma they were '" conflict wilh his idea of an ordered society and he represents Ihem as a product of the dlsorder Introduced by the Spaniards (Ossio, 1977' 59)" 88 This must have been something deeply traumatic for Guaman Poma as his own mother was raped by a Spaniard. producing his half-brother Manin. 1 18

126 legua; y si pariere mesti:a cho/a 10 lleve a la cuidad por el escândalo de ellas (/5471.J07)," 89 [It is very just and is a service to God and to Your Majesty in this Kingdom that the Spaniards should not live together wlth the Indians. nl!ither in their cities, nor in the" villages, nor SllOUld an)' Spaniard go and live there, nor mesti:o, nor mulatto, nor zambaigo, nor any half-breed; and if there be Spanish women, or mestizas. or mu/artas. who be married to Indians in this Kingdom. chen let chem settle a day's Journey away from the Indians. if not a League away; and Lf a mestiza Italf-breed were to stay here she must be taken away for the scandai she would cause,l Contact with Spaniards. Guaman Poma informs Philip III. can only leaà to the corruption of "Christian" lndians who adopt Spanish vices: "Considera como hay grandisimos ladrones en este tiempo de cristianos, porque se ensefian de los cristianos espaiioles, porque ven al corregidor, padre, encomendero, espafl.oles de los tambos y justicias, hurlar y robar, y ans! toman de esta cartilla v lecci6n de los malos cristianos de este reino, y de otros vicios tan malos, y as, se echa a perder este reino de la cris:iandad; considera de esto cristiano dei mundo ([954) 324)." 1 Consider that there are gre<lt thieves in this time of the Christians, because they have learned from the Spanish Christians, because they see the Spanish Magistrates, the priests. the encomenderos. the Spaniards Jrom the inns and justices, they see how they steal and rob, and thus they draw from the evil Christians of this Kingdom, and other 89 Guaman Poma emplo) ~ an elaborate lexicon for describing an individuals degree of mixing. Ail of the mixed peoples without exception are lumped together and opposed to the pure Indians. 1 19

127 equal/y evil vices, and thus this Kingdom of Christianity is becoming spoilt; think about this Christian of the world./ Ali the reprehensible traits he associates with the Spanish are transferred to the Indians when the y abandon tradition al Andean ways. He shares with Taqui Ongoy the same concern for a return to traditional Andean Iife, lest they become like the Spanish themselves. "... que los indios se hacen bellacos y borrachos, jugadores, perezosos, ladrones y cimarrones, bebiendo con el/os se a/zaran y seran traidores (547J 407)" /... that the Indians become wicked and drunken, gamblers, sioths, thieves, and wild ones, by drinking with them they revoit and become traitors.} Il is not coincedental that Guaman Poma chooses the European image of the devil to graphically illustrate the terrible influence of the Spanish on the Indians. 90 Drunkenness, which is so intimitely linked with Spanish corruption, he depicts in an illustration with a devil riding on the back of a drunken Indian, who is crouched and vomiting (plate 38 [862] 257). Stealing, another crime which Guaman Poma claims w~s introduced by the Spanish, is depicted with an illustration of an Indian thief dressed in Spanish courtier clothes in dialogue with a (European) devil who tells him: "si robas bien, yo te 90 The only lime when lhe devil is assclaled with pre-conquest Andean people is in his depictions of Inca sorcery (see plaie 36 [246] 172. plate 37 [277] 194, plate 31 [279] 196). Again the message is the same: the Inca were the corrupters of Andean pre-columbian Christianity. 120

128 , ayudaré" ("if you steal weil. 1 will help you") (plate 39 [ ). Laziness, once a crime punishable by death under the Inca, has become commonplace since Indians adopt Spanish ways. The Inca captain. Capitan Inga Yupanqui. is depicted fast asleep in his bed in the middle of the day (plate 40 [145] 104). Guaman Poma gives us a portrait of this captain as a poignant example of the influence of the Spanish on the Indians. "{Capitan Inga Yupanqui} no conquistaron ni acieron nada sino todo era dormir y corner, y beber, y putear, y holgar, y hacer fiestas y banquetes, y pasearse en la ciudad con los demas caballeros, auquiconas, ingaconas, y acabaron sus vidas el la ciudad dei Cuzco... ([ 146} 105)". [(Captain Inga Yupanqui) he did not conquer, nor did he do anything, for ail was sleeping and eating, and drinking, and fornicating, and being idle, and having parties and banquets, and parading around the town with the remaining gentlemen, auquiconas, ingaconas, and they ended their lives in the city of Cuzco... } He suggests to Philip III that the offending Spaniards and corrupt christians be returned to Spain or exiled to Chile as punishment. "Considera el castigo muy sentible y penosa de los espaiioles y malos cristianos y de espanoles es la pena de ejecutarle todos sus bienes y desterrarle a Espaiia para sécula, 0 a Chi/e, no hay mejor castigo para ellos; y considera dei gran castigo y purgatario para los malos soberbiosos, inobedientes de Dios y de su mandamiento... ([957} 325)." [Consider as just punishment of the Spaniards and evil Christians to cart ail of their belongi.lgs away and deport them to Spain, or to Chile. There is no 121

129 hetter punlshment for them. and conslder this a ~rand punishment and purge of the evil arrogant ones, disohedient of Gad and of His will...) The can the Spanish must leave because according to Guaman Poma there be no justice in Peru under the Spanish. While he doesn't ho Id king responsible, he informs the king how his representatives fail in their dut y to carry out justice. Worse, they profit from the suffering of the Indians. The Indians fear the Corregidores (magistrates) who are "worse as a people th an snakes, because they eat the life and entrails" ("Que los dichos Indios temen dei corregidor porque son peores que serpientes como gente, porque le comen la vida y las entraftas..." [709] 121). In one of his more scathing illustrations of Spanish injustice he depicts a priest and Corregidor (magistrate) seated together at a gambling table, playing cards for money (plate 41 [596] 39). The idea of separating Spaniards from Indians is taken to its conclusion in the proposed autonomous Peruvian kingdom ruled by Andean kings. What is essential to the Taqui On goy and Guaman Poma's Nueva Crônica is the notion that nothing good can come out of contact between Spaniards and Indians. The Taqui Ongoy was an attempt to reclaim a cultural unit y that was disintegrating after the conquest. They returned to traditional Andean ways in an attempt to heal themselves spiritually, culturally and socially by excluding the very things the y believed threatened them. Rejecting elements of Spanish culture, even superficial artefacts such as European foodstuffs and dress. was an affirmation of their belief that only by 122

130 returning to life as it had been before the arrivai of the Spanish wou Id they again find the harmony that had been lost. Dance of the conquest From the early colonial period there are few recorded examples of popular myths or spectacles that arose in opposition to Spanish rule. One ln particular has remained as part of the contemporary Quechua oral tradition: the "dance of the conquest". Il probably dates t'rom just after the conquest, and is still seen today in various forms ln indigenous communities in the Andes, Guatemala and parts of Mexico. In this dance, or theatrical procession, the participants dress up in elaborate costumes as Spaniards and lndians to recreate the initial encounters between Spaniards and Indians. The participants march through the streets of their communities as they act out their own history. In the dances from the Andes, the arrivai of Pizarro, the Spanish trickery and defeat of Atahuallpa and his subsequent execution, are acted out- but with different conclusions: often god intervenes to punish the Spanish, or in many cases the Indians are victorious and the Spanish are sent back to Europe. What is constant is the vindication of Indian justice: the Spanish are seen to fall from God's grace (even if they are victorius in conquest) or defeated by the Indians. In the same way the Taqui Ongoy followers could reclaim their cultural integrity through a rejection of Spanish culture, the dance of the conquest was an attempt to reclaim their history. Through ritual and spectacle the dancers articulate their counterhistory and reify their position vis-a-vis the Spanish-speaking national culture. 123

131 What b important to note in the above examples is that these forms of resistance represent indigeneous forms. Though these dances depict an event as much European as Indian (the conquest), the re~ponse and sense made of it is Andean. It may seem somewhat arbitrary to make distinctions between how "indigenous" or how "European" a particular form of resistance is- but it does reveal important differences in strategy. We can imagine that the armed rebellions against the Spanish would have made native grievances more evident th an symbolic rectifications of an imbalance of power through ritual. At one end of the spectrum the indigenous forms of resistance such as Taqui Ongoy or the "dance of the Conquest" involve the use of codes (hat exclude the external (Spanish) world. These are private rituals whose meaning is for the participants. Todorov (1987) characterizes this kind of communication as "communication with the world" in that the message is Ilot directed to an addressee but to a generalized other (the Spanish, rather that the actual individuals that make up the Spanish colonial government). Armed rebellion, on the other hand, was something the Spanish understood and even expected. Native armed resistance was part and parcel of the strategy and justification of conquest and colonial rule: the rebellions made Spanish forces a necessity, and the Spanish forces allowed for the conquest to expand. When we situate Guaman Poma's Nueva Cr6nica in this conter.t it becomes apparent thal he sits al the other end of this spectrum. His grievances are articulated in the codes of his European masters, and in fact would have been closed to the illiterate Indian population he represented. 124

132 Il is perhaps because of rhe lack of success of such movements as Vilcabamba and the Taqui Ongoy that Guaman Poma and a handful of other indigenous writers turned ta the pen in an attempt to challenge Spanish rule. Certainly by the end of the sixteenth century few Indians could have held the betief that armed resistance against the Spanish cou Id succeed: with the execution of last hereditary Inca Tupac Amaru in the plaza of Cuzco. the spirit of armed revolution died. The next larg~ scale armed resistance against the Spanish would not take place untit the eighteenth century (and not coincidentally by a man who took the name of Tupac Amaru for his own). Native Andean writers There were very few works penned by Native Americans during the first hundred years or so of colonial rule, and most of them Iived and wrote in the two most important centers of American civilization: Mexico and Peru (see Appendix A). Of the Peruvian works, the N ueva Cronica y Buen Gobierno is perhaps the best known. and certainly the most spectacular in its scope. Of the Native Peruvian authors we also have the works of (Diego de Castro) Titu Cusi Yupanqui. (Joan de Santacruz) Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, and Garcilasco de la Vega, as weil as a few isolated works such as the anonymous epic eulogy for Atahualpa, the Huarochiri manuscript and the traditional Inca 125

133 court drama "Ollantay".l) 1 Wlth the exception of Garcilasco de la Vega, the se Native wnter'\ ail express common concerns in their workmoq notably the de~lre ta return ta the pre-conquest order that had becn ~hattered by the arrivai of the Spanish in Peru. 92 The millenanan and apocalyptic vision of Guaman Poma is erhoed In the works of the other native writers of the time. The Spanish conquest was viewed as a pachacuti, a "world reversai", a great upheaval in which the proper order of things in the world had bec orne inverted or had simply come to an end. The solution ta this catastrophy was simple for Guaman Poma: return the Andean people their sovereignty and lands, and separate Spaniards from Indians. Pachacuti Yamqui compiled his Re/arion de Antiguëdades desde Reyno dei Piru in 1613, just two years before Guaman Poma finished the Nueva Cr6nica. In his relaci6n, written at the prompting of his Spanish masters, he gives an account of the conquest and history of European contact, but more central to his work is his description of Andean spiritual life. In many respects Pachacuti Yamqui and Guaman Poma shared a similar project: bath wished ta establish a case for the Christianity and Christian spirit of the Andean people. 91 This traditionai Quechua drama was probabiy written down for the first ume during the Quechua Renalss.\Ilc:e of the elghteenth century: a time when the Quechua speaking peoples of Peru fought the Spanish for the last time under the revolution led by the Andean nobleman Tupaq Amaru II ( ). a revolutlon which almost succeeded ln retummg Peru to Native rule. The wnllen version that has come down to us of this Inca coun play has a dlstlncttve European style WhlCh no doubt undennmes the original sense of the work. 92 Garcllasco de la Vega glonfied the "golden age" of Inca rule and proposed modeling the new national society on the best of Inca and European culture. He was only half Inca by binh. and ahhough he spoke Quechua fluently, his cultural affiliation was wlth Europe. 126

134 ~ot only had they been Christians before the conquest lat ka!olt III spirit)- and here Pachacuti Yamqui hke Guaman Pama explains the Biblical links of the pre-conquest Andean people- but they are secn to be living exemplary Christian lives. Both of these authars sought to rationalize Andean and Spanish history and spiritual develapment ln a common mode\. However. Pachacuti Yamqui's eschatology more strongly emphasizes the differences between Andean and Spanish worship. His descriptions of Andean spiritual life do Ilot attempt to make Andean culture open to Spanish readers, which we saw in Guaman Poma's repeated use of European metaphors. Spanish glosses and biblical homologies; rather Pachacuti Yamqui emphasizes the differences between his people and the Spanish when it cornes to communicating with God. This is expressed in the interjection into the Spanish narrative of Quechua texts and vocabulary when describing Andean religion (Salomon, 1982: 16 ).93 With the use of sacred Quechua texts and cryptic drawings of the Andean cosmos Pachacuti Yamqui seems to be excluding the Spanish reader from the text. Nevertheless, Guaman Poma and Pachacutl Yarnqui arrive at the same conclusions in their work: the Spanish are a corrupting force on the good (Christian ) nature of the Andean people. They share a similar apocolytic vision of the conquest as pachacuti that, even a generation after the event, seems to have been a view widely held among the Andean people. 93 Guaman Poma also introduces Quechua words and te:ts ioto his narrative. especially when he addresses a Quechua audience. but he still believes that the Quechua world can be rendered intelligible in the Spanish language. 127

135 ln this work 1 have cho~en to sacrifice a certain depth of analysis in favour of a wider reading of the ~ueva Crônica. By this 1 mean that the analysis 1 have given only touches the surface of the issues raised in the preceding pages. This compromise has, however, allowed me [0 follow a thread through my reading of the Nueva Cronica. which 1 hope has illuminated something of the complexity and the overall meaning of the work in its historical and cultural context. 1 chose to focus on the strategy the author employed to communicate with his Spanish reader, and how, through the use of Iiterary and symbolic conventions. he articulated his radical views of Spanish rule in Peru. In reconciling the history of his conquerers and his own to a common model, he reduced the experience of the colonial encounter to something ordered and intelligible. The catastrophic consequences of the conquest no doubt must have stretched the limits of the Andean peoples comprehension, for nothing could have prepared them for this experience. Instead of retreating into traditional knowledge, metaphors and myths to make sense of the conquest, as the followers of Taqui Ongoy did, Guaman Poma tried to make sense of this experience of the conquest in a language "stolen" from his conquerers. 1 am not sure how much the Nueva Crônica can tell us about th~ phenomenon of colonialism and contact between cultures in general, or for that matter about the singular case of Peru, or even if the value of the document lies in this function. It is perhaps too idiosyncratic, coming from a mind that, however strong his links to the Andean tradition, was shaoed by forces unique to the historical moment of sixteenth-century Peru and the experiences of the author. 128

136 What it does provide. however. is the opponunity to gel into one person's experience of the conquest. And while we can not presume to let Guaman Poma speak for ail the Andean people of his day. his voice adds to our knowledge of how the conquest may have been experienced by those who lived it. Moreover. the Nueva Cronica alerts us to a process of communication that we can see emerging 50 often in colonial encounters: the subversion of dominant codes by the colonized to express radical critique. We find this in the folk Catholicism of Peru where liturgy very often became a vehicle of native resistance, and simple biblical stories, through novel interpretations, were imbued with new and revolutionaly meanings by the Indians. 94 This can be seen as weil in the early Black churches of America or Brazil, which carved a political and spiritual voice out of the slave-owners religion. and even today in the profusion of post-colonial literature coming out of Africa. It is this bending of the original meanings of language, rituals and other adopted (or imposed) elements of the dominant culture to serve new ends that we find throughout the Nueva Cr6nica. What cornes out of colonial encounters is an on-going negotiation of meaning in which the colonized arm themselves with the symbols and discourse of their colonizers. ultimately excluding the colonizers from the original article. 95 This we see 50 c1early in Guaman Poma's 94 For example the story of Christ suffering for humanily's sins took on a radical meaning for many of the Indians of Peru who found in their own suffering evidence of their spiritual sup(:riority. 95 Another notable example of this phenomenon. which 1 have mentioned earlier in this thesis, is the case of the sixteenth-century Italian miller, Menocchio (Ginzburg. 1982). 129

137 illustrations which 50 resemble the instruction al art of the counter Reformation. This adopted form of visual expression, with its rigid and formai lexicon of signs, is used to describe Indian and Spanish worlds. but in ways that the Spanish could never have understood. We also see this. in a more profound way, in his interpretations of biblical events and theological issues. For scholars of communications the Nueva Cronica provides a unique opportunity for the study of cross-~ultural communication, and al a time, on the 500th anniversary of the voyage of Columbus, when we are rethinking colonial history with a eye for the view of the conquered. The Nueva Cr6nica is one of few voices of "the other" in what is otherwise "Spanish" history. Il fills in sorne of the blank spaces in Andean history, and at a time when little attention was paid to giving voice to alternative historical discourse. In an exemplary way, the Nueva Cronica lets us into the thoughts and knowledge of one of the actors in this moment of history. Guaman Poma found the courage to write in his suffering, but he found his voice, ironically, in European literary practices. If not for his contact with learned men, such as his half-brother Martfn and the priests who exposed him to the popular works of the church, he would have remained one of the uncounted Indians who died in anonymity alld silence. 130

138 APPENDIX "A" Native American authors who documented the Conquest before 1600 Hernando Alvarado Tezozômoc - Mexico Fernando de Alva Ixtilxochitl - Mexico Lucas Fermindez de Piedrahita - New Granada Mufioz Camargo - Mexico Bautista Pomar - Mexico Jacinto Collahuaso - Quito Garcilasco de la Vega [El Inca] - Peru Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala [Waman Puma] - Peru Pachacuti Yamqui - Peru Anonymous - "Apu Inca Atawallpaman" - Peru Titu Cusi Yupanqui - Peru

139 APPENDIX "B": Plates

140 PLATE 1 ConqUista / bat.lll.l qui: hl70 en / scn ICIU dl: ~U :\1.1jl'~t.1I1 d 1 xcelcnlislmo SâlOr Cip'lc Apo Don ~Iartin / de A)'.lI.I, p.ldre dei.lutor. 1 ( 11Incha\~II\() y.\roll.l~lfl, Apo Cuaman l'ach.il'd, han.ln Iurm ChdllC,1 con Cll:n ~old.ldo~. \ 1 r.lllll~lo IIt'r n.indez. trcsclcntos soldallo~, lui: \ cnlldo y SI' hu\ li / '\(10gll.l~tO / CII,lIn.1n Il.1' chacd / CaPdC.\po don i\l.utin GUdm.1n i\1.lhjlll / 1 r.lillhlo Hl'fIl.indc/ GllI'lIl / Cil l'atacocha.

141 PLATE 2 11 Il 1\ " Il ~J~~r Il Il Il Il Il " Pr~~unta Su I\l.ljCst.IÙ, respondc el auter / Don Phelipe cl tercera, rey monarca dei mumlo / Ay.II.1 cl.wlor / prc>cntd pcrsonalmcntc cl alltar la cor8nil.l a Su l\1.ljcst.ij. 337

142 PLATE 3 Considcracu;n, cl\ldad dcl inficrno, penas gravcs 1 princ.lpc!c las tmicbl.ls 1 cl lieo, avaricnto, mgr.lto, )ujutla, sobcrbl3 1 castlgo de los solx:rblo~os pceadorcs y rieos que no ternen a I)IOS. 323

143 PLATE 4 Il... 'I.. II Il Il Il Il '1 Il.. ~ Il JI Il Il )ft " " Il 1\ ".. " n ft 11 Il JI Il 1\ IJ " " " " Il, Il " 'l Il /1 '~IfI""" "- (UI~ 1\ ~",. J<A r~:: :' '.J" /I1" ~rt. 1\ Il )1 U " Il -Il "'N'I ~ "''':1&4,fK""~ 1/ /1 Il n.1 ("01110 DIli' tlnkniî 1.1.III. h.1 IW,lurI.1 prlllll'r lrllllll.l 'don :\1.lrtlll ~e.h C\ll'll n- 1J~1II1f1 ~l lïor. pnnllpc! duli.1 JlI.IIl.1 ( uf\odlll CUI.\,1 :\I.\rtm lk \\.11.1 nmll.lno 1 en 1.1 ulid J!Id CUllU. Il

144 PLATE 5 ime~capjtvlo])l05ju Primer capltu!o de \t" Inc.1S 1.mn.ts propl.h 1 IntI r.llllll [lle'!.1 <it 1 ~()I! 1 l U\,l r3\mi [rlc~ta JI.' la LUII.J] / Cho'lunlla ujilcol [~ol dor"do v rc'p!.mdeul'litc, Ild)('! iùolo de UJnacaurl / PJlant.lmbu 1 T dmbololo / Idolu Je 10\ III!:.1\ y.mnj\ dc Cuzco / armas reajes dei rcli10 dc las IndJ.J~ ùc Jus rc\ cs lng.ls 56

145 PLATE 6 CIVJ)A)) SGO FVLCrO COLLVMNAS Ervs CIUdad / [go FuklO Collumnas Eius..Jal 'II

146 PLATE 7 l'onld ILal muntlo Incli." dei l'l'ri! en 10 alto rit l,p.ln.1 / C.I~IIII.I 1.' lb.ljo de I.I~ {;llh.h / C.1~tdl.l. H

147 PLATE ~--:.-- Cunllllhl.J 1 Don Diego (de).\lmolgro. Don rranclsco Pizarro / en C.1~I111J 268

148 PLATE 9 Scgunda armj 1 las arl11a~ / CUCI<jumqui Ilca p)ulil.1 1":lIlII.l\.id.1\( (IIrHjlIIlHjUI ~ Corequcnquc) / Olurun2u AlhJlhl Ing.1 [otorongo l\ l'ilnO Sdl'.ltI'OJ / ;\td~u Pdycha tuson [borla rcal] / Amdro vnga lam.aro=~lfpllllrel 59

149 PLATE 10 CorregilnJento ' Coron.1 lk.ll cs d Corre)tlmicnto / temeu a DJOS y set! IJUcnJ JI1'; t1cla y no O~ mctals en mlllgun mal y daiio 1 pro\'inclas, 380

150 PLATE Il docl' l.lpii.in C.i".ll J\po Gu.JnJan ( / Chllllh.l}~Il"J

151 PLATE 12 f 1 In'c~' l'.ipil.in, c.irac Apo Nmaru:I / Allllcsuyo, 120

152 PLATE =.::,::,:"",:"" _ ~ --;r::-' ~ ===-=_-=-~_;;:;J Il c.ll<lrcc C.lpll.in, Mallco C.lsldla l'.tri / Cullasu)'o. 121

153 PLATE 14 FlilVlA 3 ECAPÎTAJ,1 LO =-'--- - Il (jl/lnl!: loi/l,i.in, i\1..1il'1i :\11/110 / Contblllll. 122

154 PLATE ~ ~ _ _o. (~~--... " ('Ollqlll\I.1,\ 1) LIIIlI"" 1'1/,11111 le' 111,111/ 1>,," Ilh~1I dl',\iail,i~ru 1,1!IIl',11I1/ (1,I(I,ldu 1,1 1110/0), 1, \ 10111/11 "!,Idor. 11Il' 'II p,ldll' DI/Il DII'!!II dl' "hn.l~rl/ cl \ Il'Ill 1 l'il 1.101,

155 PLATE Cllnlllll\l.l / h.mml'o lkm.mdel Clriln 1 sc alzc'j coni}a la Corona ne.1l y mato al t'.lpli;ïn.\ionso l'alollllno \.1.\lorJlcs, en el Cuzco 313

156 PLATE 17 Conqll/\ta 1 fi ~nci\co Ilcrn.lnd" Cir"'n /,lin 1.1 h.ltall.1 dl: Chll'lIlIIl~.1 lunlr.i (,1) :'ILln'l.ll. fut, H'11t /tl" d \1."I'l.t! WII /111\,0Itl.Hlm d" Sil ~1.W,1.ld / 1 r.lfil hl /1 IIcr n.llltlll ti'n Il,,,''111'',,,, ,,, / ~1.1I1".d,"11 liul ( 1 r.iihi\ui Ih rl1:liltil 1 f l"rt3' 1,1'.1,It' III,.1111< p.".ltlo, I/Idlll~. l'ulolr 1 1 i~lt' 111.1''-' (len h(j(llhh'~ l "" l(j~ 'J1I'111I1I.1I A\I~lJr.,

157 PLATE 18 rsp.liioll'~ 1. htndllô Indu l :1 1 t IIIl1ndn S,IIII.1 r~ C } l'~k.lloltla. rcltln [R' so lelu,ulm 1rC 101 Hl lu y ~C.tJ 1.IS arm / en :ls c '1 rc.lles rnundo v su c oron,1 rcal 416.

158 PLATE 19 3G4 ( onsc]o Ile.il de estm rllnlj~ 1 (.IJl.ll' IIlL!,1 1.llI,lI1tlll~lI\l1 / (.JIIl.ldlllOl.ll1l'lOIl,1 / Lomc]o Beai de estc rclllo. 262

159 PLATE 20 l'rc):lint.1 cl ~lltor i\1.1 1II11.1lI~\' dlh.lmu.nna [lll'lidmc ancldnos] 1 prcgllnt~ cl 311tor. 263

160 PLATE 21 l' -...=.=::::::.:?= l) Il.--- fi l\ li 11 1 \ Il li 1\ " 1 Il li padre 1 Fantasias. scnor absoluto, hcenciado, padrc, no ha)' qlllcn Je hable. ni indios ni innias / doctnna.

161 PLATE 22 PrincIpales / don Juan Capch.l, mùio tribu t,trio, glan borracho, ticnc cuatra indios ~n su pucblo 1 \ mo.lficlo / chicha fresca / en este reino. 182

162 PLATE 23 5.C.R.M ELREIMO:DEL SI ~<HI1'u )".7..,...-' t\ y,~,., ) ':';'1 1 - {14. ~ U pruner l'lucia loronlc,l y Ilucn Gubll'rnu lolllpllnto (lor don l'c\jpc ClI,JOl31J PornJ de Ayala. S.llfJ C.lt()hca RCJI ""alc~lad / Su S.IIlIIJ,1l1 / [.\lono!:r.. m.l ('.(; l' 1 /.\\.01..! rrln lllx' / LI rclno de las Indla~.

163 PLATE 24 Il Il Il Il Il Il /1 Ij Il If Il d Prinlll'c~ 1 Don Mdchur Carl()~ Ing.I, prillllpe.j1i'11l1 mg.1 1 con l'\los principes hah!.. cl sl'fin( H'y emper.ulnr y le ha d. do enulm!t'!1l a de ~.lnnago, quiere declr prinl.'pe.\uqlll Ing.1 cap.\lchurl en l.t lev dl.' e~te relno de la~ lnùl.ls. ~ toùos sus mcto~ y dcsl'cmlrcntcs S,In l'rînupe~.le 10\ Jn"l0~ Cil su gcllcr.lt Inn y Ic), rncrccù dcl ~elïor n.'\ clil[lc.'r.ldor tlcnl'll liidlos de l nuljiiicnd.i, e\los, dl.is.

164 PLATE 25 ~Io~a (" (', \' / Inl(.1 / e~p.lilol 1 L.IV (Ont.ll hll 1II111lllq Il 1 [~l') Cllnll'lI~t.I. GU.I} na.1\,.ll...ml C... mes este oro?] / e~te oro lumcm()~ / en C ULCO. 267

165 h",-,~~ PLATE _ ==1'!Ji'tJ.I.:.ftJ!{.,J fd-d/9 -::::::::- -~ ~ -- - ConlJlII~t.1 / cmb.lfl.lromt.1 I.I~ Imb.ls / lu.ln Di.lz dc Solis, plloto / l'l.ulm rcrn.inucl Ln\.lso / \-.I~ll\nl ~ (V J~CO ;-';ùiil'z) de B.I\1JOa / Colon 1 La Mar dei Sur, ~ctcclcntjs Icgu.l~ Je la Plata 270

166 PLATE 27 ELOTABO ÎV16A fi -- --::-:: _- - ::1 OCI O Ing.1 l:uacoch.l rn~a / reinu CU.lIK.I, 'J,11.1 OS, J.IUJ.I / t.1\.1, Il.l, (hll1dl.l. all, Ṡ li I LI l'o, LIma. 76

167 PLATE [1 pmner rnundo Adan, E\.J / en el mundo 20

168 PLATE 29 \.A(\U Pnml'ra ~('nl'r,iui'm de Indill< li.lf! UlfJU)( h,l run.1 [hombrt, d, L'.Id Vlc.lem h,i). primer mdlo de este rclno, U.1fI Ulr.lcodl.l Il.lmll [IIIIIJU d~ C.ln L'lr.l\.ocha) / en ('ste rcino de las Indlas, 38

169 PLATE 30. IAACiMÏI!V1TO l'oal-imlento dl' JcsucClStu l'n Bckn / S.III JuscPC / Sant.1 M.ld.1 " Jc~ù~ llclén. 64 / njlio llj

170 PLATE :...---!:"'- -: =.-.-- J!clhlll'roS dl: sut'lin,_ 1 hl\i,l 1.1Il.1 L'wlI / hl:thll..t:ro d(' Hll'Iiu 1 hl'dlltcro de fucgu, hnhllero '1 Ill' dllll'.1 / Ill'lhlllf()~ 1.t1~I1~ 196

171 PLATE 32 ('llnlllllll.1 i ~1.lIllU In~J l't'~a flll'ko al Cuvusmango / a IJ Santa l'cul 1 IlIlù mlj.l"ru dl' Dlll~ )' nll sc 'Iul'mu / en el Cuzco, 292

172 PLATE 33 '-' ~.) ~"" ~~./. '" _"0 ~--... "0_.. ~..,.- J -:;!!..J,..ë ~ 2.=: ~ é "-