Governance and the wine commodity chain: Upstream and downstream strategies in New Zealand and Chilean wine firms

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1 Asia Pacific Viewpoint, Vol. 47, No. 3, December 2006 ISSN , pp Governance and the wine commodity chain: Upstream and downstream strategies in New Zealand and Chilean wine firms Robert N. Gwynne School of Geography, Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham B15 2TT, UK. Abstract: This paper explores the theme of governance as it relates to the evolution of global commodity chains in agro-industry and their incorporation of wine firms in two countries of the semi-periphery, New Zealand and Chile. The paper goes on to specifically examine the upstream and downstream relationships of selected New Zealand and Chilean wine firms to the wider commodity chains in which they are involved. Brief case studies will analyse the downstream and upstream links to the commodity chain of key wine firms in both countries. Such cases provide indicative evidence of the underlying processes of the commodity chain that are constantly changing. Keywords: agro-industry, Chile, global commodity chains, New Zealand, wine Introduction Over the past two decades many countries of the semi-periphery have liberalised their trading regimes and become more fully integrated into the global economy. Much of this trade is oriented towards the triadic or core economies of North America, Western Europe and Japan (Gwynne et al., 2003: 112). This is particularly the case for trade in agricultural and agroindustrial products. In what has been termed as the third food regime (Friedland, 1994), consumers in the core economies have increasing power in influencing change in agriculture and agro-industry through the intermediation of non-farm companies, such as supermarkets. Many authors (Le Heron, 1993; Robinson, 2004; Murray, 2005) have argued that the third food regime is characterised by transnational non-farm firms linking production and consumption within an increasingly flexible and global network of food supply and distribution. One consequence is that farms are increasingly having to operate as enterprises in countries of the semi-periphery in particular. Furthermore, there is an increased dependency of farmers on transnational finance capital and the need for farmers and farming enterprises to introduce and develop new technologies. Meanwhile, at the scale of the agro-industrial enterprise, export growth strategies have to include producing specific products for particular global markets. Farming enterprises and agro-industrial firms are increasingly becoming part of a global agri-food system, which incorporates the upstream suppliers to farmers, farmbased production, downstream manufacture and the global marketing and distribution of the final product. It is in this context that global commodity chains become relevant as an analytical framework to explore the nature of crossborder linkages between agro-industrial firms in global production and distribution systems of food supply (Gereffi, 1994). The question that this paper seeks to examine is how insertion into global commodity chains affects firm strategies in two different countries of the semi-periphery, New Zealand and Chile. There are different types of chain depending on the way that the chain is coordinated. In many ways, global commodity chains can represent a continuum from arm s-length market relationships through to complete vertical integration of ownership and supply. However, within this 2006 The Author doi: /j x

2 R.N. Gwynne continuum, global trade can be organised through networks of legally independent firms using a variety of transactional relationships (Humphrey and Schmitz, 2001: 20). Humphrey and Schmitz (2002: 1018) argue that there are two particularly important types of coordination. First, there are networks that bring together partners with complementary competencies. Second, they refer to a quasi-hierarchy in which there is asymmetry of competence and power in favour of one party which is often the global lead-firm based in one of the core economies. In this way, the issue of governance can be introduced and the systems of control which underlie the global commodity chain. Governance, in its widest sense, can be defined as the non-market coordination of economic activity (Gereffi et al., 2001: 4). A chain without governance would just be a series of market relations between firms. The theme of governance is particularly important for firms in the semi-periphery to understand as they develop transactional relationships with powerful global buyers from the core economies. It can have positive elements for these firms, as in the generation, transfer and diffusion of knowledge, which can lead to innovation in the firm and hence improve its performance. Innovation is the key to developing farming and agro-industry in countries of the semi-periphery as it allows localised technoeconomic capabilities to develop, providing the vital ingredient for sustaining economic growth (Robinson, 2004). However, a quasi-hierarchical relationship can provide negative elements as with the steady worsening of contract terms between global buyers and local firms or between local firms and contract farmers. In terms of economic activities in countries of the semi-periphery (such as New Zealand and Chile), agents of transnational capital can directly or indirectly influence the organisation of local production, logistics and marketing systems. Through the governance structures that they create, they make decisions that have important consequences for how linked firms in these countries become inserted into global markets and the range of activities that they can specialise in. This paper aims to compare global value chains, governance and firm structures related to wine production in two countries of the semiperiphery, New Zealand and Chile. Chile and New Zealand have evolved new patterns of regulation over the last two decades and their mode of insertion into the world economy (based partially on export specialisation in agricultural, agro-industrial and forestry products) can be seen as increasingly similar (McKenna and Murray, 2002). The similarities (as well as the differences) between these two countries have been detailed elsewhere (Murray and Challies, 2004; Gwynne, 2006) as a response to moves by both governments for closer economic and strategic partnerships between these two Pacific rim players. More specifically, the paper will: 1 Explore the theme of governance as it relates to the evolution of global commodity chains in agro-industry and their incorporation of firms in countries of the semi-periphery. This will be based on an eclectic mix of literatures from development studies and economic geography. 2 Examine the upstream and downstream relationships of selected New Zealand wine firms to the wider commodity chains in which they are involved. 3 Examine the upstream and downstream relationships of selected Chilean wine firms to the wider commodity chains in which they are involved. These latter two sections will use brief case studies derived from the author s interviewing of key wine firms in both New Zealand and Chile between 2003 and The case studies are all formatted on the basis of an analysis of downstream and upstream links to the commodity chain following a brief description of the winery firm under review. In both New Zealand and Chile a large and medium-scale company have been selected. Such cases provide indicative evidence of the underlying processes of the commodity chain which are constantly changing. Governance structures and agro-industry in the semi-periphery As Gereffi (1994: 97) pointed out, governance structures in global chains are important to assess as authority and power relationships determine how financial, material and human resources are allocated and flow within a The Author

3 Governance and the wine commodity chain chain. Subsequently, Gereffi (1999: 41) argued that particular attention must be given to the role of powerful lead firms that undertake the functional integration and coordination of internationally dispersed activities. As previously noted, chains can be conceptualised as stretching from market-oriented relationships to more controlled forms of vertical coordination. Vertical coordination can take a variety of forms. One system of governance is vertical integration, a very direct form of international coordination. In this system of governance, the global firm attempts to control as many aspects as possible of the agro-commodity chain. This includes land ownership, production, distribution and commercialisation of the product. With reference to Gereffi s (1994) dichotomous division of chains, the driver in this chain is the producer rather than the buyer. Central American and Ecuadorean banana plantations, owned by such fruit transnationals as Chiquita, provide an example. Nevertheless, buyers (such as North American or UK supermarkets) still have considerable power in negotiating such key issues as price and quality. At the other extreme of the governance continuum is a system more closely related to the operations of markets. Vertical coordination here occurs in arm s-length relations and use of spot markets at the local (farm-gate, market), national and global scales. It is difficult to ascertain here any clear rules as to producer or buyer dominance. One issue is that of the demand for the agro-industrial or agricultural product at a point in time. In periods of rapid growth in demand for a product with possible shortages occurring, producers will have considerable negotiating power over price. However, once the global supply and demand of a product are broadly matched, it could be argued that a buyer-driven commodity chain provides a more realistic framework. This is because it is normally the powerful supermarket buyers that have the greater power within the quasi-hierarchical network in setting the price and quality standards (Dolan and Humphrey, 2000). Within the continuum of governance, there are a number of other governance systems that can be distinguished, often with coordination achieved via contractual arrangements between producing and buying firms. Contract farming, for example, refers to an arrangement in which the buying firm signs contracts with individual producers, normally before the agricultural season begins. These contracts specify different issues, including quantity, prices, quality, varieties, and time of delivery; the system of coordination generally involves some kind of assistance from the buying firm to the producers, as with the supply of credit and advice over the application of new technologies. According to Key and Runsten (1999: 382), contract farming can be explained as an institutional response to imperfections in markets for credit, insurance, information, factors of production, and raw product. However, the profitable buying firm positions itself in the chain segment where it can create and/or appropriate high returns. Meanwhile, producers are constrained by the terms set by the buying firm in the contracts that they sign. In this way, contract farming systems within a global commodity chain often provide a clear example of a quasi-hierarchical system in which there is asymmetry of power in favour of the buying firm (Humphrey and Schmitz, 2002: 1018). Firms within the global commodity chain have to respond to what are termed userdriven quality conventions. Gibbon (2001: 66) argues that these can take a variety of forms but can be broadly divided into domestic (identification by region or estate of origin) and civic (identification by the fairness of the transaction) conventions. Furthermore, these conventions are increasingly associated with buyers demanding quality monitoring through procedures that involve process certification rather than product testing. Consumers thus act as vital agents in the commodity chain as firms geared to consumers, such as supermarkets, set up procedures to monitor welfare, environmental impacts, labour markets and other issues within the producing localities of the commodity chain. The emergence of more complex forms of vertical coordination, regulated through userdriven quality conventions, provide both threats and opportunities for export-oriented producers. The more successful producers identify the opportunities, proceed to upgrade their activities and develop more differentiated products. This may be applied to the commodity under study here, namely wine The Author 383

4 R.N. Gwynne Being incorporated into a global commodity chain can provide some distinctive benefits for producers (Humphrey and Schmitz, 2001). At least two stand out. First, there is the issue of market access. For example, Chilean and New Zealand wine grape growers and wineries need chains to effectively market their products in core economy markets whether this be through supermarkets, specialist wine warehouses and retailers or mail-order firms. The differentiation of product may be important for marketing through these institutions. New grape varieties (such as the Carmenere in Chile) or new wine technologies adapted to local conditions can produce distinctive new products for international consumers. Second, chains provide a track to upgrading skills and production capabilities, particularly in terms of technology, and moving into market niches. The demands for upgrading are made by the global buyers even if they themselves are not linked to the source of upgrading technologies. In the wine sector, the structure surrounding technological upgrading is different to the governance structures of supply, demand and marketing. For example, both New Zealand and Chilean wineries have been strongly affected by Australian technological innovation in wine production but much less so in ownership patterns and supply chains. In New Zealand, Australian wine companies (such as Hardy) have owned vineyards and wineries. Meanwhile, in Chile, Australian-inspired technological innovation has mainly occurred through the role of Australian wine consultants (Duijker, 1999). Giuliani et al. (2005: 552) define upgrading as innovating to increase value added and this has particular resonance in wine sectors of the New World. Process upgrading can involve investment in new winery technologies (stainless steel tanks able to rigorously control the temperatures of the fermentation process being a key example), improvements in communication between vineyard management and winemakers and transforming the inputs (wine grapes) more effectively into what international markets require. Meanwhile, product upgrading refers to moving into more sophisticated product lines in terms of increased value added, such as the strategies of wineries to steadily improve their portfolio of wines for example from blends to varietal to premium and super-premium in the terminology of the international markets. Chains can therefore provide the context for upgrading, but firms nevertheless remain central to this process. Lewis et al. (2002: 439) discuss the double cognitive project of the firm within networks. On the one hand, there is the external knowledge of products and markets; on the other, the internal knowledge of costs, techniques and organisations. Lewis et al. (2002: 439) links this to firms engaging in collective learning. Keeble et al. (1999) argues that this develops from strategies deployed by firms to reduce uncertainty associated with rapid technological change. Thus, in the wine sector, there can be both elements of collaboration and competition between firms. Collaboration can take the form of understanding new techniques of vinestock management and vinification processes and developing local supply chains for inputs. Meanwhile, competition can take the form of competing in terms of product evolution (the acquisition of distinctive varietal wine characteristics) and market access (through negotiations along the chain with different agents in core economy markets). Commodity chains and wine firms in New Zealand Background New Zealand has become more export-oriented since the mid-1980s and more market-friendly for both national and international firms. In terms of agricultural and agro-industrial production, this became linked to the ending of New Zealand s distinctive model of government marketing boards coordinating and strongly regulating production and facilitating technological change. Most of these marketing boards have been privatized in one form or another. However, the future of these privatised firms for the success of New Zealand s agro-industry in a global market place has been questioned. Hayward et al. (2002) argue that contemporary agricultural industries and firms (in Hawke s Bay) do not demonstrate the forms of investment and sustained upgrading that Gereffi (1999) argues that embedded manufacturing industries need to achieve in order to expand their The Author

5 Governance and the wine commodity chain million Figure 1. Quality wine exports from Chile and New Zealand, (US$ million) The quality wine category refers to exports of bottled wine and does not include bulk exports of cheap wine. Sources: Chilean central bank, New Zealand winegrowers. trade networks internationally. Does the wine sector provide different perspectives? The New Zealand wine industry during the 1980s was relatively small (at least compared to that of Chile), partly because of New Zealand s small population (around three million). Furthermore, one should note the cultural factor that beer rather than wine constituted the alcoholic product of major domestic consumption. Nevertheless, in the 1970s, the Wine Institute was created and a Wine Industry Development Plan established in Such government intervention in the wine industry initiated technological improvements in the sector, which have continued despite the regulatory change to more market-oriented conditions. In addition, protectionism was linked to the rise in foreign investment in the wine sector in New Zealand with the transnational corporation Seagram investing in Montana in the 1970s in order to gain access to the New Zealand market (Barker et al., 2001: 209). There was a subsequent shift in the early 1980s to a more outward-oriented political economy. However, internal market liberalisation for wine (such as allowing supermarkets and other outlets to sell wine) was not completed until 1989 when most of the controls imposed by the liquor licensing laws were removed. Quality wine exports of New Zealand have grown steadily since then (see Fig. 1). Case studies Chile New Zealand Wine industry development and export growth has been influenced by the strategies and development paths of the key enterprises and their relationships with wider commodity chains. Because of the tight control on wine sales in New Zealand, the wine industry was dominated by the large brewery firms in the 1970s and 1980s. This has meant a strong concentration of production and export in the hands of a small number of firms. At this point it is worth examining the commodity chain relationships of two of the wine firms interviewed by the author between 2003 and The empirical material here is only indicative of wider processes of commodity chain relationships. One of the firms is the key export firm of Montana, whereas the second firm is a more recent entrant, Wither Hills, but with a strong growth trajectory based on technological upgrading and product differentiation in key export markets. Montana The original Montana winery was founded in the 1960s. The virtual duopoly of two large breweries gained significant control over the wine industry through the series of acquisitions and mergers that led to the consolidation of five of the six leading companies circa 1984 into Montana (Barker et al., 2001: 210). Montana, however, had had the investment capital to develop new wine regions and new grape varieties. Its decision to develop the Sauvignon Blanc grape variety in a region with no previous experience of growing wine grapes, Marlborough, in 1973 became a pivotal one in the subsequent evolution of New Zealand as a major wine exporter. Since the 1970s, it has been New Zealand s largest wine producing company, particularly after 2000 when it bought up New Zealand s third largest winery, Corbans. In recent years it has been responsible for around 50% of New Zealand exports. It has, however, been controlled by a series of corporate interests; in 2001 it was sold to Allied Domecq and then became part of the Pernod Ricard group in Through Montana s corporate links, the company has had good access to the key markets of USA and UK where it sells to a wide range of supermarkets and stockists; in addition, it has achieved very competitive deals in terms of shipping. Montana owns or is supplied by vineyards in New Zealand s four main wine-growing areas Marlborough, Hawkes Bay, Gisborne and North Canterbury (see Fig. 2). The upstream 2006 The Author 385

6 R.N. Gwynne Auckland Gisborne Hawkes Bay Auckland Wairarapa Nelson Marlborough Canterbury Mt Ruapehu Gisborne Napier Hawkes Bay Poverty Bay Central Otago Nelson Wellington Blenheim Cook Strait Christchurch Queenstown Dunedin Miles Kilometres Figure 2. New Zealand s main wine regions supply strategy is presently a mix between vertical integration and contract farming. However, the long-term strategy is to increase vertical control (through direct vineyard ownership) and decrease the proportion of grapes purchased by contract from farmers. Montana directly owned about 3000 hectares of vineyards in 2003 and this supplied the wineries with the input for the medium- to top-quality wines (D. Van Den Berg, pers. interview, 10 July 2003). Montana relies on supply from external grape growers for the lower end of the market; this range of external suppliers controlled land of another 3000 hectares in These are serviced by viticulture service managers who are instructed to reward quality as opposed to quantity. Montana has a cautious but consistent policy of planting 150 hectares of new vineyards per year, with 90% of plantings being high-quality Sauvignon Blanc vines in the Marlborough area. In this way, the number of contract farmers will gradually decline. Those that remain need to produce quality wine grapes and/or be located in the Marlborough region The Author

7 Governance and the wine commodity chain Wither Hills Brent Marriss, a former winemaker with Oyster Bay, started the company and the Wither Hills brand in The aim was to produce wine at the top end of the market and production has steadily increased from 500 cases in 1995 to around cases in In 1999, Brent s father joined the company, which doubled the vineyard size (before that he had been a contract farmer for Oyster Bay and Montana). In 2002, the company was sold to the large Australian brewery and wine corporation, Lion Nathan for around US$50 million (B. Marriss, pers. interview, 15 April 2005). Lion Nathan requested Brent Marriss to stay on as manager and winemaker. The target is to reach cases per annum by 2007 and then to stabilise production. Wither Hills is only supplied by wine grapes from the Marlborough region and has a strategy of maintaining strict quality control on wine grape supply. In 2005, the Wither Hills winery relied for supply on 1000 acres of vineyards (some recently planted) but only 100 acres belonged to contract growers. This allows the company to maintain strong quality control on production in its three main grape varieties Sauvignon Blanc, Chardonnay and Pinot Noir. In terms of its international marketing, Wither Hills has adopted the strategy of carefully targeting the best wine supermarkets and wine stockists in each country and developing a diversified portfolio of buyers. Hence in the UK in 2005, Wither Hills was dealing with Oddbins, Majestic, Waitrose, Marks and Spencers and another five smaller outlets. Furthermore, Wither Hills has developed a different brand name for many of these outlets Fairleigh Estate for Majestic and Shepherd s Ridge for Marks and Spencers, for example. In this way, Wither Hills has not been dominated by any one global buyer and because of its policy of different brands for different outlets has managed to develop some flexibility in supplying its international markets. Commodity chain processes Thus, the New Zealand wine industry has developed a range of interesting transnational corporate structures not only in the large-scale firms (Montana now owned by one of the two global drinks giants) but also in relatively mediumsized companies (Wither Hills now owned by a large Australian brewery company). The transnational character of the New Zealand wine industry has further ramifications. In 2002, Constellation Brands of the USA purchased the second largest wine-producing group in New Zealand, Nobilo, responsible for about 20% of exports. Meanwhile, an Australian property company, Challenger Beston, owned nearly 500 hectares of planted vineyards in the Marlborough and Hawkes Bay regions in 2004 and leased the land (via renewable 10-year contracts) to a New Zealand wine company, Delegat s. Delegat s was able to rapidly expand production (for example, of some of its key brands such as Oyster Bay) as a result of this strategic decision to increase planted vineyards through land leasing and has now become the fourth largest winery in New Zealand. Around two-thirds of New Zealand wine production and exports (by quantity) has thus come to be dominated by two large transnationals (presently Pernod Ricard from France and Constellation Brands of the USA). The links to global markets provided by these transnationals has undoubtedly helped in boosting export sales. What has been the upstream supply strategy of these firms? It is presently still a mix between vertical integration and contract farming. A significant amount of grapes is still purchased by contract from farm enterprises outside the global drinks companies. However, these farmers are likely to be facing a long-term and very gradual squeeze. The major corporations have a slow but steady strategy of building up their vineyards and slowly reducing their reliance on outside farmers. Thus, there is evidence that wine firms are demonstrating the forms of investment and sustained upgrading that manufacturing industries need to achieve in order to expand their trade networks internationally. These corporate links complicate the nature of the commodity chain framework. The majority of New Zealand s 10 largest wine companies are now controlled by transnational capital. Most focus on the premium and top-end of international market supply. Most rely for supply on a significant number of contract growers. Although this has not been a problem during a period of rapid export expansion and high profitability, as has been the case since 1990, such an insertion into corporate frameworks where 2006 The Author 387

8 R.N. Gwynne key strategic decisions are taken in Paris or other core economy cities may make the sector more vulnerable to any crisis in global markets in the future. Commodity chains and wine firms in Chile Background The local structuring of export-oriented activities has been partly framed by the relationships of firms to commodity chains that function at the global level (Gwynne, 1999, 2003). In particular, exports have risen in agro-industry where firms have had to adapt to the demands for quality from foreign clients and to undergo an intensive learning process involving both innovation and technological change (Pietrobelli, 1998; Perez-Aleman, 2000). Agroindustrial firms have had greater freedom to operate in terms of contracts and land and labour markets than in most competitor countries; this includes well-defined property rights as in New Zealand. The lack of regulatory control to enter the Chilean agro-industrial sector has given firms the opportunity to integrate upstream and purchase land from farmers or other companies in order to extend their vertical integration in the sector. The Chilean model thus provides a clear case of the neoliberal model at work in agriculture and agro-industry. Meanwhile, the market-oriented nature of the Chilean regulatory system has meant that foreign investors have had significant freedom to operate in Chile. However, relatively little foreign investment has been forthcoming, with most of the key wine firms operating with Chilean capital and Chilean management. There are exceptions such as the Spanish company Miguel Torres, which began to invest in 1979 with a strategy that relied on purchasing small wineries, gradually expanding production and improving quality. The democratic transition which started in 1990 with the elected Patricio Aylwin coming to power had a favourable impact on wine exports (see Fig. 1) as consumer groups in core economies stopped boycotting Chilean products in supermarkets and other retail outlets. The democratic transition of the 1990s also coincided with a technological revolution in a large number of wineries strongly influenced by Australian vinification techniques and the import of European machinery and equipment. Between 1992 and 1997, Chile was the biggest importer of European wine equipment in the world (Duijker, 1999). The centre-left government of Frei subsequently introduced a modest form of regulation of the wine sector with the Wine Law of One reason behind this legislation was to facilitate access to the crucial market of the EU. The legislation set up specifications for quality control and decentralised its control and monitoring to regions. It established ground rules for quality and grape varieties for 13 sub-regions in terms of denominación de origen based loosely on the French system of appellations controlées. Figure 3 demonstrates the main eight valley regions of the Aconcagua, Central Valley and Bio-Bio regions. Case studies In contrast to New Zealand, Chile has a long history of enterprises being involved in the wine sector. Chile s largest wine company, Concha y Toro, was originally set up in 1883 and until the early 1990s relied on the Chilean market for the bulk of its sales. Table 1 shows that of the 16 largest wine-exporting companies in Chile in 2004, 10 were set up in the last half of the nineteenth century. However, since 1990, not only these companies but also a wide range of new enterprises in Chile have become involved in actively seeking out export markets and developing downstream marketing links with distributors, supermarkets, specialist wine chains, wine retailers and other actors in the core economies. Of the largest 16 wine-exporting enterprises in Chile, none are fully owned by foreign investors and only one (Los Vascos) relied partly on foreign ownership (Los Vascos is half-owned by the French Rothschild group). These largest 16 enterprises account for virtually 60% of Chile s wine exports by value. They range from wine producers known for their mass brands (such as San Pedro with Gato Negro and an export price per litre of US$1.67) to wine producers that have received international renown for the quality of their wines (such as Montes with an export price per litre of US$5.35) see Table 1. Thus, in contrast to the New Zealand industry, there is little concentration of ownership. The Concha y Toro com The Author

9 Governance and the wine commodity chain Region Sub-region Aconcagua San Felipe Casablanca Maipo Casablanca Santiago Rapel Curico Santa Cruz Mataquito Talca San Javier Cauquenes Curico Molina Rancagua Cachapoal San Fernando Maule Itata Bio-Bio Regional border National frontier River Borders of wine regions Wine towns Laja km Figure 3. Chile s main wine regions pany, the key player in the Chilean wine industry, may also own Cono Sur and Santa Emiliana in the top 16, but together they still only accounted for 23% of wine exports in As in the New Zealand case, it is now worth examining the commodity chain relationships of two of the wine firms interviewed by the author during Again, the empirical material here is only indicative of wider processes of commodity chain relationships. Both are relatively new firms but both have clear strategic objectives in terms of inserting themselves within the global commodity chain for wine. Cono Sur Cono Sur was created by Concha y Toro (Chile s largest wine corporation) in 1993 in order to specifically seek out export markets (apart from the USA, reserved for the Concha y Toro parent group). Cono Sur started its export strategy by supplying supermarkets with their own label brands but has subsequently developed two significant brands Cono Sur as the premium and Isla Negra as the volume brand. Cono Sur has been aggressive in developing markets outside the USA. Exports rose to 1.6 million cases in 2004; at an average of US$20 per case, total export value was around US$33 million The Author 389

10 R.N. Gwynne Table 1. Chile s sixteen major wine companies by value of exports, 2004 Wine company Year company started Export value (US$ million) Export volume (million litres) Price per litre Concha y Toro San Pedro Santa Rita Cono Sur Errazuriz Santa Helena Undurraga Santa Carolina Tarapaca Valdivieso Montes Carmen Santa Emiliana Los Vascos Caliterra Montgras Source: Wines of Chile database; Duijker (1999). Cono Sur is supplied by around 900 hectares of vineyards, which are spread geographically through 10 valleys from Elqui in the north to Bio-Bio in the south although the Colchagua Valley (where the winery is located) provides around 40% of the wine grapes used. The organisational nature of the upstream chain can be seen as having three pillars in 2005 onethird of wine grapes comes from land owned by Cono Sur, another third from land controlled by holding companies within the wider Concha y Toro business group and the final third from external contract growers (C. Padilla, pers. interview, 6 September 2005). The strategy is to steadily increase wine grape supply from Cono Sur s own properties where close control on quality of a wide range of wine grapes (produced from a variety of cool and hot terroirs in different regions) can be achieved. Monthly meetings between the chief enologist and viticulture manager with the respective technical advisers seek to improve the important connection between the quality of wine grape and the quality of wine (at different price point levels). The source of external knowledge transfer into the Cono Sur company comes mainly from other companies within the Concha y Toro parent group. Downstream links are mainly organised through the international marketing of the three main export categories production of ownlabel brands for supermarkets, varietal wine (under the Isla Negra brand) and premium wine (under that of Cono Sur). Cono Sur started off in the mid-1990s as specialising in providing wine for own-label brands in supermarkets in core economies, mainly in the UK (S. Downes, pers. interview, 12 August 2005). However, from the start a process of upgrading was set in place in order to improve wine quality and produce more varietal and premium-level wine. By 2004 (10 years after the first exports), the process of upgrading can be seen in the distribution of international sales figures: only cases of own label-brand wine mainly for UK supermarkets (6% by volume); cases of varietal-level wine, mainly under the Isla Negra brand (50% by volume) and cases of premium-level wine under the Cono Sur brand (44% by volume). In its downstream links with the crucial UK market (receiving 55% of export sales in 2004), Cono Sur deals with most major supermarkets and specialised retail chains but has gradually left the low-profit area of ownlabel branding in order to rely increasingly on its own two distinctive brands. Montgras The company was set up in 1992 and its winery and vineyards (until 2004) were solely concentrated in the Colchagua Valley. Despite being a much smaller company and not part of a wider group, it has had a downstream international marketing strategy similar to that of Cono Sur (see below). Since 2004 it has The Author

11 Governance and the wine commodity chain purchased a winery with vineyards in the Maipo Valley (Linderos) and 500 hectares of land for planting in the Leyda Valley. It is a mediumsized export-oriented company with a clear vision of its position within a global commodity chain. Montgras provides an example of a firm that has had a clear and changing set of strategies in terms of downstream links with international markets. Indeed it could be argued that it has had at least three distinctive strategies in terms of supplying global commodity chains (P. Middleton, pers. interview, 25 August 2005). 1 Between 1992 and 1998 the emphasis was on supplying wine for own-label brands for large supermarket chains in core economies. For example, it developed close links with UK supermarkets and negotiated own-label contracts with Tesco, Sainsburys and Waitrose. 2 Between 1998 and end-2004, the strategy focus was to concentrate on massive ownbrand (Montgras) promotions in order to establish the brand in the marketplace. It developed an innovative and potentially high-risk strategy with one UK supermarket in particular, Sainsbury s. The strategy was to become involved in Sainsbury s killer Christmas promotions in which prices are reported to be halved on the supermarket shelf. Montgras engaged in four such promotions from 2001 to 2004; Merlot, for example, was reduced from 5.99 to 2.99 in Sainsbury s outlets in the period leading up to Christmas Given the small capacity of the Montgras winery at this time, the rate of sales was five times that of bottling bottles per hour throughout the Sainsbury s chain. Contracts between Montgras and Sainsbury s had to be signed seven months in advance in May with the last container leaving Chile in September to prepare for the November/December promotions in the UK. During 2004 this Sainsbury s promotion was alone responsible for nearly 50% of sales cases (divided equally between Merlot and Chardonnay) out of a total production figure of cases. 3 By early 2005 the decision was taken not to continue with own-brand promotions and to concentrate on producing more premiumlevel wines. As a result, production was due to decline in 2005 to cases but with higher profit levels anticipated per case after the ending of the Sainsbury s promotions. The upstream links of Montgras have also changed according to these three distinctive strategic periods. In the first two stages, Montgras relied heavily on wine grapes purchased from contract growers (particularly white wine grapes such as Chardonnay) and purchasing wine from smaller and non-export oriented wine producers. In the third phase, purchase of wine from outside producers has declined considerably and only about 30% of grapes fermented in the Montgras winery come from contract growers these are mainly grape producers for white wine (Chardonnay and Sauvignon Blanc) from the cooler, coastal valley region of Casablanca away from Montgras base in the Colchagua Valley (S. Margozzini, pers. interview, 25 August 2005). In their third strategic phase, Montgras have purchased 800 hectares of land for planting 500 hectares in the cooler, coastal region of Leyda where vinestock for white wine production will be concentrated. In this way, Montgras will in the future become vertically integrated in terms of grape supply with all wine grapes coming from their own properties. The advantage for the company is that it can maximise quality control and forge the close links between winemaker and vineyard manager necessary for producing quality wines. Commodity chain processes The Chilean wine industry has developed a varied firm structure and one in which foreign investment has had little significance in terms of ownership. Chile has had a long history of being a wine-drinking country, and formerly wine production incorporated large numbers of firms that produced for the domestic market. With the shift to higher-quality and more export-oriented production, the required investments were taken on by a large number of these companies but a significant number of new enterprises also became involved, intent on adopting strategies which required a sustained process of technological upgrading. Overall, it is important to emphasise that the great majority of Chilean wine production is still in the hands 2006 The Author 391

12 R.N. Gwynne of domestic firms with foreign-owned firms so far restricted to owning medium-sized wineries and exporting relatively modest amounts. In terms of upstream supply, the Chilean wine industry is steadily moving towards more vertical integration. Cono Sur, Montgras and a number of other wineries intent on upgrading their production have emphasised strategies of largescale planting on their own land in order to better control quality. As a result, they are rapidly reducing outsourcing links to growers of wine grapes. Wineries are therefore becoming more powerful in the governance of local commodity chains. Linkages between exportoriented wineries and local farmers are being reduced and even severed. In this way, the multipliers from the expansion of export-oriented wine production may not be reaching down to the local farmers who had previously specialised in wine grape production, albeit of often low quality. In March 2006 wine grape growers took to the streets in protest at the low grape prices being offered by the country s big wineries (Richards, 2006). Wineries have been reducing prices for bought-in grapes (particularly those of average to low quality) partly because of the increases in their own planting and partly because the industry s earnings in foreign currency have been reduced by the high strength of the Chilean peso, hence squeezing profits. Thus, there is an increasing concentration of land in spaces specialising in wine production for export. Vineyards and other land are purchased by export-oriented wineries at the same time as small and medium-sized farmers specialising in wine grape production (but without access to wineries) sell up. Land markets are thus changing in similar ways to that experienced in table grape and apple-growing regions (Carter et al., 1996; Murray, 1997, 2002). What is the downstream relationship of wineries to the global commodity chain in terms of governance? The key negotiating step in the Chilean wine commodity chain comes between the wineries and the agents for international markets, normally based in core economies. These agents are represented by supermarkets, distributors, specialist wine retailers, warehouses and mail-order firms (Fattorini, 1997). This is crucially different to the Chilean fruit sector where the key negotiating phase exists between transnational fruit companies and local table grape producers (Murray, 1997, 2002; Gwynne, 2003), giving the fruit transnational corporations (TNCs) significant market power within the chain. The location of the key negotiating phase higher up the chain in the case of Chilean wine means that the various types of wine producers in Chile seem to have more negotiating power within the chain. Overall conclusions Global commodity chain research explores networks that link actors in different places and through which flow ideas, people, products and money. These flows contribute to the ongoing structures of places. In the context of New Zealand s Marlborough region (and the main service town of Blenheim) and Chile s Colchagua Valley region (and the main town of Santa Cruz), insertion into global commodity chains of wine has radically changed the geographies of enterprise in these localities. More specifically, however, this paper has focused on indicating commodity chain processes from interviews with managing directors, winemakers and commercial directors of key wine enterprises in these localities of the New World. The commodity chain approach may be problematic but it does allow one to study the unequal power relations between firms and the constraints these place on the way firms do business empowering some and disempowering others (Taylor, 2000). Interviews with key agents within export-oriented wine enterprises does permit an analysis of how the wider commodity chain is seen from their perspective effectively in the middle of a commodity chain between suppliers (wine grape farmers) and agents of international markets. To use the broad framework set by Gereffi (1994), one could ask the question as to whether the wine commodity chain is produceror buyer-driven? Those interviewed in the case studies (as well as those interviewed more widely) emphasised that sales trends in international markets strongly guided production trends. In the Cono Sur winery, a crucial meeting is held every year in July between the international marketing director and the winemakers and estate managers. Discussions are not just about the annual balance between production (two to four months after harvest) and The Author

13 Governance and the wine commodity chain supply but also about the medium-trends in the key global markets in terms of popular wine grape varieties and growing market segments. In this way it can be seen that the wine commodity chain is driven by consumers and the supermarkets (and retail outlets) that service them. This links into Gereffi s (1999: 53) concept of organisational succession, a process by which manufacturers start producing for buyers catering to the low end of the market and then move up to buyers targeting more sophisticated market segments. This definition was appropriate for the international clothing industry but the concept can be applied to the wine sector with a little adaptation. For export-oriented wine firms from New Zealand and Chile, organisational succession can be achieved not only through changing buyers but also by developing wines for higher quality market segments for the same buyer, moving up from varietal to premium and to super-premium for example. The case of Montgras shows how rapid this process of organisational succession can be as the company moved through three stages (supplying supermarket own-label brands; relying on own brand varietal; developing a significant own brand premium) in a matter of a decade. Nevertheless, the wine commodity chain is not buyer-driven in the same way as the clothing industry (Gereffi et al., 2002) with retail clothing chains specifying detailed designs. Rather the emphasis is on how consumers in different markets are changing the world demand for wine. One complicating factor here is the role of wine writers (such as Robert Parker in the USA or Jancis Robinson in the UK) (Gade, 2004). Such writers can be pivotal in creating relationships of knowledge between supermarkets and consumers and have the function of making core economy consumers aware (or not) of wines from new producers in such countries as Chile and New Zealand. This may be one reason why the international wine commodity chain could be seen as a benign escalator unlike the footwear sector (Schmitz and Knorringa, 2000). It could be argued that in the wine chain coreeconomy supermarkets are the lead forms but that they facilitate knowledge transfer rather than obstruct it. Hence power relations within the global wine commodity chain are different. Thus, it is clear that the wine commodity chain is not characterised by vertically integrated transnational production systems as Gereffi (1994) has argued in terms of the world automobile industry. Although transnational investors have been significant in the New Zealand industry, key players still have considerable room for manoeuvre in terms of developing downstream networks of distribution and international marketing. Meanwhile, the Chilean industry is still dominated by national enterprises. Nevertheless, Chilean wine companies have managed to forge downstream relationships with international marketing agents that have allowed the wineries to upgrade and add further value to their production and exports. It is worth emphasising that a significant upgrading of both vineyards and wineries has been a feature of both New Zealand and Chilean wine enterprises as they have inserted themselves into global commodity chains. However, as wine is in effect an agro-industry, relationships between firms and farmers are crucial to an understanding of the commodity chain (Gwynne, 2004). In terms of upstream supply, both the New Zealand and Chilean wine industries are moving towards more vertical integration. Wineries interested in upgrading their wines realise that they must also upgrade and closely monitor the quality of vineyards. This is facilitated if they own the vineyards and hence the strategies of large-scale planting that characterise most Chilean and New Zealand wineries. As a result, the pattern in both New Zealand and Chile is of proportionally lower levels of contract farming to grape growers. Wineries are therefore becoming more powerful in the governance of local commodity chains and non-market forms of collaboration with contract farmers. Prices for wine grapes in New Zealand and Chile have either stabilised or declined. Some grape producers in special terroirs have bargaining power (as with Chardonnay vineyard owners in Chile s Casablanca valley) and can stipulate high prices at contract signing or on the spot market; however, these tend to be the exceptions in terms of negotiating power. In this way, export growth in the winery is not necessarily reaching down to local producers who formerly supplied those wineries. Grape producers are suffering from what could be termed exclusionary collaboration being 2006 The Author 393

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