TARO AS THE FOUNDATION OF PACIFIC FOOD SECURITY Nancy J. Pollock, Development Studies, Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand Draft April 12, 2003 Taro remains a strong cultural symbol for many Pacific nations, both practically and ideologically. It has long been the basis of food security with its many varieties providing alternatives in a disaster (Pollock 2002). Its perpetuation as a local food is based on a deep knowledge of both planting and processing techniques, as well as very discriminatory tastes. Support that enables availability for consumption to continue is vital. Taro has a major role to play in the future food supply of many Pacific island states. Consumption has been threatened in the past by natural disasters and disease such as taro blight, as well as by colonial cash cropping. Pacific peoples developed techniques for dealing with the natural hazards, but were less successful in stemming the onslaught of cash crops that infiltrated large areas of their best lands. Today that onslaught continues through the import of western foods, such as rice and flour based foods, as well as fast foods. These are fast to prepare, and sell at prices that undercut farmers costs of getting taro to markets. In this paper I argue that support for taro s place as the most significant local food crop is integral to the re-establishment of food security in Pacific nations. Local foods not only are essential to maintain a healthy diet, developed over many years, but they also empower households through subsistence farming. Techniques for overcoming the natural hazards, developed over time, present a lower risk than the price fluctuations and negative values of some imported foods. For the poor, diversity of local foods provides a cheaper, and more readily available alternative to imported foods. Taro thus contributes to greater security, both nutritionally and economically.
Taro and Biodiversity Taro cultivation has been purposefully perpetuated over 3000 years in the Pacific. Not only did Pacific peoples bring with them out of South East Asia chosen varieties of taro, but they extended the range of Colocasia species by adding other species, particularly Alocasia, Cyrtosperma and much later Xanthosoma. By carrying gifts of taro plants as they voyaged and visited with neighbouring islands they further diversified those plants that had desirable attributes for taste, seasonality and environmental suitability (Pollock 1992). Since taro can be reproduced only vegetatively, human selection criteria have been the basis for the spread of these plants. By carrying whole plants they were able to eat the corms, and any young leaves, and plant the tops in their next place of land-fall. Controlled planting thus represented cultural choice which has been ever enlarging as populations settled and then exchanged taro as gifts. The human element in the spread of taro across the Pacific was thus in marked contrast to the spread of seed crops such as rice and wheat. The number of varieties of taro was found remarkable by early writers on the botany of Pacific islands, such as Seemann (1862) for Fiji and Handy (1972) for Hawai i. The 72 varieties noted in Hawai I enabled that population to provide for the many eventualities that could reduce their food supply, such as disease and drought, as well as to increasingly diversify the taste of taro, e.g. fermented as poi. The loss of those varieties is imminent though projects that preserve some of those remaining varieties, such as the garden in Manoa, are very timely. The species of taro contribute vitally to the starch staple food supply. The term taro is used to refer to four variants., of which Colocasia is the most widely accepted. In addition Dioscorea yams, sweet potatoes and more recently cassava were important root foods. Add to those breadfruit, bananas, and pandanus, and we have a wide array of starchy foods which were available for selection by the cooks (see Pollock 1992, Appendix A). This diversity provided the major basis of food security. Colocasia taro is pre-eminent amongst these, along with Dioscorea yams, in providing both symbolic value, as well as pragmatic value as foods. A major concern is to maintain the diversity of local food plants before the associated planting knowledge is lost (Pollock 2002:279). 2
Local Knowledge Vegeculture techniques as well as associated planting developments were vital to maintaining the food supply. As knowledge of the local environment, including rainfall, periodicity of cyclones, and droughts, soils was passed on through the generations, so farmers adapted those techniques to suit local circumstances. Ensuring a food supply was the pre-eminent goal for survival. Knowledge regarding taro production was passed on over many generations. Some still survives, but much is being lost. The development of irrigation for some varieties of taro further enhanced the diversity, as wetland taro met tastes that differed from those of upland taro. On atolls, the depth of the pits in which taro grew was based on observation and failures due to changes in the salinity of the ground water (see Wiens 1962). Cyrtosperma (babai) became a highly prized crop with secret cultivation techniques in the Gilberts/Kiribati) (Luomala 1974). Local perceptions of taro and other food plants are not always directly translatable into English. Local values of taro have not been identified clearly enough by early writers to give us the information we need today to regenerate a taro culture for each island society. So the holders of that knowledge who are still alive are important to the revival of taro as a foodstuff. Planting calendars, naming of plants, and parts of plants, and local knowledge of pests and diseases, and how to treat them all need urgent records. Together this body of knowledge needs to be kept alive to support taro s future. Resilience in the face of disasters that severely reduce taro production have been noted (e.g. Connell 1978 for Solomons). More recently a study of the socio-economic consequences of the 1993 taro leaf blight that devastated Samoa s crop showed how those farmers coped, using their local knowledge (Naidu and Umar n.d.) Drawing on their traditional modes of adjustment, they substituted other foods such as Taamu (Alocasia) and Taro palagi (Xanthosoma) as well as bananas and some rice. Farmers reported they increased their fishing, both for food for the household as well as for income. Samoan people had a positive attitude, and found alternative foods for the time of the blight, as well as alternative sources of income. Thus the traditional diversified farming system, adaptability to different crops and food as well as food preparation practices together with the willingness to explore new livelihoods are the keys to sustainability of agriculturebased communities (p.,21). Recent information suggests that taro is back at the head of 3
the menu (AS Pers. Comm.). Past experiences have carried them through this trauma with their major food crop. A concerted effort is need to preserve the knowledge of the old varieties of Colocasia taro, as the information disappears with former farmers. Included in that knowledge is the selective features of each variety, its growing patterns, and resiliencies to wind and salt water inundation etc. Recipes are also vital, as certain taros were grown for specific feast occasions, or for specific high ranking persons. Certain taros are believed to have particular healing characteristics. Those living away from their home Pacific island have stated their longing for a particular variety of taro to ease the stomach (Pollock, AhMu, Asomua and Carter 1989). Taro fills the stomach as it eases longings. Healthy Eating Taro has been reaffirmed as a healthy component of Pacific diets by nutritionists and health specialists (see Malolo et al. 1999). Its starch granules are smaller than other starches and thus more readily absorbed by the young, the elderly, and those with stomach illnesses. It has a beneficially low value on the glycaemic index (1999:25). It is high in fibre, contains a fair amount of protein and other valuable micro-nutrients. From a Pacific perspective it is healthy because it makes the eater feel full and satisfied (Leota in Pollock and Dixon 1995). For one hundred years (1860s through l960s) regrettably Europeans derided taro as a primitive food that should be replaced by bread and potatoes. Those early Europeans were unfamiliar with the root and tree crops found in the Pacific so considered them part of the uncivilized culture. That the root crops grew easily, and thus did not necessitate hard work to maintain the crop also added to this image. Early European settlers pushed their own foods, namely bread and potatoes, as the good foods that should replace taro etc. Though they were not successful in banishing taro from the diet they left a legacy that taro was inferior as a foodstuff (and likewise the stigma of agricultural labour) (Pollock 1989 for Fiji). The traditional diet of many Pacific island households relied heavily on the starchy component, such as taro, yams, breadfruit etc. One or two of these formed some 80 per cent of daily intake, with the balance provided by fish, or coconut, or other addition. (This 4
emphasis was and still remains the basis of diets throughout South East Asia. ) Taro is kakana dina the real food. Eaten together with an accompaniment (I coi), it becomes a meal. Alone it is just a snack. Taro is thus a means of satisfying hunger both physically and mentally. Taro is good food, real food. Taro leaves, especially the young ones, are a highly valued accompaniment, particularly in Samoa and Tonga. Mixed with coconut cream, or wrapped around some corned beef, they provide both additional nutrients, as well as a strong identity as a Pacific island foodstuff. Palusami as the latter dish is known in Samoa, has increased its value particularly for overseas Samoans, who regard it as a traditional dish associated with the homeland (see Appendix for a song reflecting this euphoric value). The availability of taro leaves to wrap foods is also a sign of good husbandry, that the people are using their land to provide for everyone s needs, the household and the extended family. In this sense the whole taro plant, leaves and corm, is a representation of social relationships, from gift giving to community support. Taro was aptly suited to cooking in the earth oven. For daily household use, whole corms were roasted alongside other roots and breadfruit, together with some fish. The corms were cooked whole. They had to be thoroughly cooked in order to avoid giving the eater an itchy mouth due to the acridity of raphide crystals. Cooking root crops this way was economical in both use of time, and of firewood. For special occasions, taro could be processed into other forms. By grating the root and adding coconut cream, and wrapping the portions in a banana leaf, a range of puddings was created. These too were cooked in the earth oven. They have been labelled as desserts in Malolo et al. (1999:31), but for most Pacific societies the meal consisted only of the starch and its accompaniment, one course in English terminology. These prepared package foods were a specialty for feasts and to honour high ranking guests. They provided yet another diversification of taro for consumption. Concern for the maintenance of food supply was ever present in pre-contact times. Taro gained eminence as the food of honour that represented the strength and well-being of households. Even today taro should be the main contribution from households to a communal event through Polynesia rice is an everyday food, and does not carry those social significances. Taro, in the form of poi, served together with fish, is still symbolic of 5
Hawaiian foods. Taro remains the icon of Pacific well-being, even though introduced foods are readily available. Such healthy living based on taro can only be maintained if taro is produced and marketed sustainably. Scarcity pushes up the price in the market so only the rich can afford to buy it. Competition from imported foods in the market and from cash crops on the land is leading to deteriorating health. The taste for taro persists mainly for older people. Its value in everyone s diet would not only enhance their health, but also serve to strengthen their identity with Pacific island values. Conclusions Taro is a sad example of the implications of the loss of bio-diversity. As a locally grown foodstuff it has the potential to supplement other foods in daily household use. But it needs support from many sectors, both government and private to ensure a ready supply is available at reasonable cost. The taste for it is still there. The store of local knowledge which supported such a diverse range of tastes of this root, and the agronomic techniques that enabled its provisioning is diminishing rapidly. Growing taro for subsistence or cash is vital to the future security of food supply. It will continue to be eaten alongside rice, but if a household can dig up two or three taro corms for the evening meal, she will save her cash for other expenditures, and the rice will remain for another day. A healthy lifestyle includes both enjoying the taro produced in the home gardens, as well as the work in planting, weeding and harvesting it. And sharing the delicious food with other members of the community and beyond also gives added value. Restoring the value of taro by maintaining its diversity, supporting local knowledge of its place in culture, including production techniques, will increase the placement of taro at the centre of a healthy lifestyle. With households empowered through their taro culture, we have a firm base for moving towards increasing food security. That old time security can be recaptured to take a new place within the ways of living of the twenty first century. 6
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